Government such general information as ought to have put them upon their guard. So far were they, however, from adopting even any ordinary precaution, that it appeared Buonaparté was at sea three days, half a day completely becalmed, and in such a situation that he might have been intercepted by a couple of English frigates. Here, then, was such a complete absence of all precaution, that he felt it his duty to vote for the motion of his hon. friend, not so much for the sake of asking for information, as for the purpose of conveying a positive censure against his Majesty's ministers. upon the part of Great Britain, to urge its rights or protect its interests. This fact alone, in his opinion, established the strongest case of neglect against his Majesty's Government.-The next question which presented itself was as to the policy of this measure. It was said that Buonaparté, at the time of the Treaty being concluded, was in very formidable strength. What was the fact? why, the Allies were at the head of an army of 140,000 men, while Buonaparté, at most, had but 30 or 40,000 men. It might be urged that he had an army in Germany and in the fortresses, but his disposable strength certainly did not exceed the number he had Mr. Frederick Douglas said, that the stated. And with respect to the army in opinions which had been delivered in that South of France, it was only necessary to House that night, reminded him of an old remark, that the duke of Wellington was maxim, the truth of which was manifest there with an army which had been vic-on this occasion, namely," that nothing torious beyond parallel. There was an- was so hard as to give wise council before other opinion, however, upon this subject, an event, nor so easy as to make wise reand that was, that the conduct of Buona-flections after it." Those gentlemen who parté himself was not of such a nature, as to warrant a belief in his professions. It could not be believed, that a man, who had mercilessly led hundreds of thousands of his countrymen to perish under the austerity of a Russian climate, would have turned with horror from new afflictions, to be heaped on his countrymen at home. It was felt, that in his inordinate pursuit of power, he cared not what principles of humanity or of honour he overleaped. This it was which led to bis destination for Eiba-and hence the policy of that destiny would not stand for a moment; for when the ascendancy which he had over the army he had commanded was considered, he would ask, where was the policy of placing him in an island in the Mediterranean, in direct communication with those countries, France and Italy, which were most liable to the influence of his arguments and persuasions? With respect to the latter part of his hon. friend's motion, namely, the precautions which had been taken to prevent the escape of Buonaparté from Elba, he thought there had been quite enough established to prove that it was impossible for the necessary vigilance to have been adopted. He would ask, in what capa city colonel Campbell was employed in Elba? Was it diplomatic ? Was it confidential?-[Lord Castlereagh across the -table- His situation was confidential.'] Then (continued Mr. Elliot), if it was - confidential, he must have had opportunities of communicating to his Majesty's had so spontaneously subscribed to all It might have obliged their commanders to retract their engagements; and it would have been a most extraordinary thing, if we had chosen to dissolve the union of the Allies. As to the Empress and her son not being allowed to join Buonaparté in the island of Elba, he begged to remind the House that there was a clause in the Treaty for granting passports to those who wished to accompany him; but the fact was, that she refused to go with him. To say that he was deprived of domestic comforts, was perfectly ridiculous, when we considered his character and circumstances, and that he had another wife living when he married the Archduchess of Austria. With respect to the stipulations for certain sums to be paid to Buonaparté and his family, the House should remember that a payment had been made to the duchess of St. Leu, and the other portions would have been paid when they became due, if he had not violated his engagements. In regard to the proposition said to have been made at Congress, for removing Buonaparté to St. Helena, if he understood the noble lord, no mention was made at Congress of that island; and he believed that the whole of Buonaparte's suspicions on that head arose from a paragraph in an English newspaper, which suggested that he ought to be removed thither. His flagrant violation of the Treaty of Fontainbleau must remove all doubts, if we ever entertained any doubts, as to the sincerity of his fine proclamations, and teach the French people how little confidence could be reposed in his splendid professions on the subject of liberty. These professions, and his boasted charters, were aptly characterised in the words of a great historian: "speciosa verbis, re inania, aut subdola: quantóque majore libertatis imagine tegebantur tantò eruptura ad infensius servitium," Mr. Robinson entered into a description of the movements of the Allied army, and that of the army of Buonaparté, on the approach to Paris, for the purpose of showing that it was impossible for lord Castlereagh to have been with the advanced division of the Grand Army at the time of the signing of the Treaty of Fontainbleau. The absence of his noble friend at the time of the conclusion of the Treaty of Fontainbleau was not a matter of choice, but arose from the singular operations of the campaign. He was separated from the emperor Alexander by a movement of the army, and as he could not delegate any authority to any other agent, no possible blame could attach to him. The hon. gentleman observed, that he could make allowances for for the high-coloured and distorted view which the hon. gentlemen on the opposite side of the House were disposed to take of the conduct of his Majesty's ministers ; but he had no doubt, when the House examined dispassionately all that had taken place on this subject, that they would be disposed to believe there was no ground whatever for the censures which had been uttered against them. With regard to the general question, he could not agree that the Treaty of Fontainbleau was improvident. The means which Buonaparté possessed were much more considerable than gentlemen were disposed to think, and there was no defection in his army till the 5th of April. It was the duty of the Allies to consult what appeared to be the feelings of the French themselves; and nothing would have tended so much to consolidate the power of Buonaparté as to have shown a total disregard to what the senate conceived to be the interests of France. It was of extreme importance to consider that the Treaty was concluded on the part of Buonaparté by some of his most distinguished officers; and when there was an opportunity of restoring tranquillity to France without shedding. more blood, surely it was prudent and politic to adopt that arrangement. Mr. Ponsonby said, that the motion of his hon. friend was not made for the purpose of determining whether the Treaty of Fontainbleau was wise or not, or whether it was necessary or not; but for the purpose of ascertaining what steps had been taken after the Treaty was concluded, and what information had been received by his Majesty's Government, as to the intended violation of the Treaty on the part of Buonaparté. He could not help observing on the maxim introduced by an hon. gentleman, That nothing was so difficult as to give good advice before an event, and nothing so easy as to make wise reflections after. He did not find that the truth of this maxim had been borne out by the conduct of his Majesty's ministers, who, while they had not given very wise advice before the Treaty of Fontainbleau, had certainly not given any proof of wise reflection after it was concluded. The honourable gentleman had also spoken of the dangers to be apprehended from the soldiers of Buonaparte, But would the House be contented with this declaration? The minister was charged with negligence and supineness in per mitting the escape of Buonaparté. His learned friend moved for information received as to the intention of Buonaparté; and the noble lord simply asserts, that no information was received worthy of attention. But was this enough to satisfy the House, charged as ministers were with having received information, of which they neglected to avail themselves? Let this information, which the noble lord said was not worth attending to, be produced; and then the House would be fairly dealt with, and be able to form a correct judgment upon the subject. He had himself heard that ministers had received a variety of information with respect to the views and preparations of Buonaparte. Among other communications, he was told that a foreign minister had some time since transmitted a letter to his Ma government which he represented, had reason to believe that Buonaparté was preparing to return to France, and that Joseph Buonaparté had engaged quarters for some French officers who were to cooperate in the project. This statement he had had from respectable authority, and he should be glad to know from the noble lord whether it was well founded? [Lord Castlereagh answered that no such communication had ever been received by ministers]. Adverting to the charge of the noble lord, that there existed in some gentlemen a disposition to distort facts, and an aptitude to adopt statements derogatory to the honour of the British Government and its allies, he could assure the noble lord that if the charge, were But he did not know that the sick were much refreshed by despair (a laugh). It had been stated, that ministers had made private representations to the Government of France respecting the performance of the Treaty of Fontainbleau; but this only showed their opinion that the treaty made with Buonaparté had not been observed. He would not have it understood that he meant to justify Napoleon, but it was clear that the Treaty had been violated. In the first place it was said that his wife was not disposed to follow him, and that there was no stipulain the Treaty for her going: but was there any stipulation to deprive him of the society of his son? To withhold his off-jesty's Government, stating that he, or the spring from him, and to deprive him of his rights, was a direct, manifest, and palpable violation of the Treaty. The noble lord had said, that if any agreement had been made to induce the empress and her son to part with Parma and Placentia, it was on the ground of an adequate consent. But where could there be an adequate consent? Such consent could be given by Buonaparté only, for it was clear that an infant could not consent. The Allies had, therefore, manifested great want of judgment, as it was their duty to maintain the Treaty with Napoleon, and not to furnish him with the smallest reason for complaint. The right hon. gentleman professed his utter inability to comprehend the difficulty of producing the instructions, if any, whe-meant for him (Mr. Ponsonby), he should ther verbal or written, which it was said were given to our officer off Elba; or if an understanding, as it was called, why that understanding was not capable of some description in words to satisfy the motion before the House, and if it was the duty of the British Government, according to its guarantee, to secure the performance of the Treaty of Fontainbleau, it was obviously incumbent upon that Government to be on the watch to prevent the return of Napoleon Buonaparté to France. It was alleged that ministers had received information of the intentions of Buonaparté; but the noble lord stated that nothing had ever been communicated upon the subject worth attending to. not shrink from meeting it, or hesitate to repeat what he had before said, that when the conduct of Congress should come to be fully discussed, it would appear that in the transaction respecting Naples, the policy, honour, and character of Great Britain had been more committed by the noble lord than by any other minister, on any occasion whatever. An hon. and learned friend of his had given notice of a motion upon this subject, which would afford the noble lord an opportunity, if he should think fit, to offer any explanation in his power. But there could be now no doubt that war had commenced between Austria and Naples; and it was equally undoubted, that that war was the result of the violation of those engagements which this country, as well as Austria and the other Allies, were pledged to observe. For it was indisputable, that the noble lord stood as solemnly pledged to the present Sovereign of Naples, by the nature of his engagements, as if he had actually subscribed the stipulations of a treaty with that monarch. Mr. Bathurst thought the right hon. gentleman had not added much to the arguments which had previously been heard on the topics which formed the subject of his speech. He had not taken the best mode of establishing his own impartiality by taking upon himself to assert positively, from seeing certain insulated papers, that the honour of his noble friend, and of the country, had been committed in the late negociations. It might have been as well if the right hon. gentleman had waited till it could have been put in possession of the statements on both sides the question. He (Mr. Bathurst), without meaning any disrespect to the right hon. gentleman, would not venture on an answer to so ridiculous an assertion (he spoke with reference to its being founded on partial documents) by meeting it with any document he might have seen, but would only say, that when the period arrived at which the subject could be properly discussed, neither the noble lord, nor the friends of the noble lord, would shrink from the inquiry, and that the right hon. gentleman would not be able to prove that the honour of the noble lord, or of the country through the noble lord, had been compromised. He could make allowances for the feelings of the right hon. gentleman, from the affliction he must undergo at the contemplation of the late events. These, he apprehended, in the grief which they caused him, led him hastily to censure those who did not deserve condemnation. It was thus he accounted for the objections which had been made by the right hon. gentleman to the defence which had been set up for the Treaty of Fontainbleau. If the noble lord, from unavoidable circumstances, could not be present when the Treaty was concluded, he contended that ministers were not bound to justify the policy of it, however responsible they might be for the consequences. With respect to the duchies of Parma and Placentia, if any change had been made in the arrangement which affected them, it had been with the consent of the party who had a right to dispose of them. It was not Buonaparte, but Maria Louisa who had a right to them. They were given as a provision for her; and she, with respect to them, had a right to decide for her son, who was to be her successor, and who was to inherit them through her, and not through Buonaparié. The case would have been different bad the object in discussion been the island of Elba, which had been ceded to Napoleon. The good faith of this country was not affected by the non-payment of the sums which it was stipulated Buonaparte should receive from France. His noble friend, when he last passed through Paris, had recommended it to the French Government to pay them. He had not urged this because he conceived a breach of good faith to have actually taken place; but understanding it was likely Buonaparté might be in want of money, he had used his good offices to induce the French Government to expedite the payment of the sum he was to receive. None of these grievances, however, had been urged in the first proclamations of Buonaparté, on his landing in France. They had all spoken of the disappointment of the hopes of the nation by the re-establishment of the Bourbons, as the cause of his return. It was not till it might be presumed that he had seen the suggestions thrown out in other countries, that any thing like a justification of his conduct, founded on personal injuries, was sent forth. It was said that this Government ought to have prevented his flight; but how was this to be done? He did not think it could be effected without searching every ship for him that sailed from Elba; and would not the exercise of such a power have been incompatible with the rights of a sovereign prince with whom we were not at war? It seemed to be forgotten, that according to Buonaparte's own account he had been stopped on his voyage; but the troops being ordered below, there was nothing in the appearance of the vessel that caused suspicion that it was other than one of his merchant ships, and he was suffered to proceed. His preparations were so secretly made, that even general Bertrand knew little or nothing of them; and, once completed, a few hours served for their embarkation. Colonel Campbell had attempted to follow him; and had he not been detained by a calm, if satisfied that Napoleon had quitted the island with the views he then had, he did not hesitate to say, he would have endeavoured to prevent their being carried into effect by hostile operations. When the gentlemen opposite called for the verbal instructions which had been given to the officers in the Mediterranean, he should like to know what verbal instructions they were of opinion ought to have been given? Would they have strictly searched every ship leaving Elba, in order to ascertain the individual was not there, or how would they have qualified their instructions? He contended there could be nothing more than an understanding that he should be stopped if he should be found in a situation which proved it was his intention to violate the Treaty. It was therefore impossible to lay before the House instructions which were not written, which, indeed, were not strictly verbal, but which were understood. He concluded by saying, that ministers were not answerable for the escape of Buonaparté, as they had neither the right nor the power to prevent it. Sir James Mackintosh said, that he should not undertake to decide whether any thing substantially new had been, or could be added to the judicious and unexaggerated statement of his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Abercrombie); but sure he was, that whoever were to know the excellent speech of his learned friend only from the answer which had been attempted to it, must be totally mistaken in its purport and scope. The question was not, as it had been argued on the other side, whether there was a case for the conviction of ministers, but whether parliamentary ground was laid for inquiry into their conduct. On the question thus stated, he really could scarcely see a plausible pretext for difference of opinion. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. B. Bathurst) had indeed been pleased to charge the representations made on this side of the House of the mischievous effects of this fatal error with exaggeration, and had deigned in his generosity to say that he made allowance for the feelings of his right hon. friend (Mr. Elliot)-so much distinguished in the House by that power of compression, and that union of elegance, with gravity which required a calm as well as a comprehensive understanding. No man was more master of himself, as well as of his audience; no man was less likely to be hurried away by the impetuosity of disorderly feelings. How had his right hon. friend been so unfortunate as to incur the indulgence, and require the merciful consideration of the right hon. gentleman? (VOL. XXX.) Could any feeling be too warm for the case? Was it in the power of eloquence to magnify the evil? Wars which had raged for 25 years throughout Europe; which had spread blood and desolation from Cadiz to Moscow, and from Naples to Copenhagen; which had wasted the means of human enjoyment, and destroyed the instruments of social improvement; which threatened to diffuse among the European nations the dissolute and ferocious habits of a predatory soldiery; at length, by one of those vicissitudes which bid defiance to the foresight of man, had been brought to a close, upon the whole happy beyond all reasonable expectation, with no violent shock to national independence, with some tolerable compromise between the opinions of the age and the reverence due to ancient institutions; with no too signal or mortifying triumph over the legitimate interests or avowable feelings of any numerous body of men, and above all without those retaliations against nations or parties which beget new convulsions often as horrible as those which they close, and perpetuate revenge and hatred and blood from age to age. Europe seemed to breathe after her sufferings. In the midst of this fair prospect and of these consolatory hopes, Napoleon Buonaparté escaped from Elba; three small vessels reached the coast of Provence; their hopes are instantly dispelled, the work of our toil and fortitude is undone, the blood of Europe is spilt in vain Ibi omnis effusus labor! We had now to commence a new career of peril, at least as formidable as that from which we had fondly hoped that we had been for ever delivered. Was this a case of which it was easy to exaggerate the evils? Could his right hon. friend have felt lukewarmly on such a subject without throwing doubts on the sincerity of his love for his country, and of his regard for the general welfare of long-harassed Europe? Surely if he had on such an occasion deviated from the usual calm dignity of his eloquence, he might rather be praised than excused. And was this a case in which the House would refuse to inquire. whether the misconduct of the Government of Great Britain had any share in bringing so many evils on Europe? Some insinuations had been thrown out of differences of opinion on his side of the House, respecting the evils of this escape. He utterly denied them. All agreed in lamenting the occurrence which rendered the renewal of war so probable, not to say (3 B) |