duty; but a desire to forbear as long as | ture, but in the present circumstances possible from proceeding to extremities, something more than a mere assurance was, he was certain, that line of conduct was required. He called upon Mr Hiley which would best secure the confidence of Addington to state what the Secretary of the House. The Executive would firmly State had done upon this subject, that bis stand by the Legislature, and make every conduct at least might stand justified to exertion the emergency of the case might Parliament. demand to protect them, and with them the laws and liberties of the country. Mr. Whitbread fully concurred in many of the sentiments that had fallen from the noble lord, and was equally persuaded that all attempts to compel members to vote in opposition to their consciences would be fruitless. On the contrary, it was known that in some cases the effect was directly the reverse, for several members had voted in favour of the Bill, because such means had been resorted to in order to influence their conduct. What the noble lord had said respecting lenity, particularly as applied to the police, however, was very distinct from negligence. From what passed on the former night upon this point, the majority of members must be convinced that effectual steps had not been taken; and Mr. Whitbread scrupled not to say, that those to whom the public peace had been entrusted, had not done their duty. On a former night, he had suggested a distinct inquiry into the conduct of the High Bailiff of Westminster, and of the magistrates whose presence had been required; but the suggestion was over-ruled. How necessary it was, subsequent proceedings of the riotous mob had shewn. He did not mean to assert that the police of the metropolis generally had neglected its duty; but it was to the Secretary of State for the Home department that the House and the country must look for security; and he hoped the right hon. gentleman opposite would be able to give satisfactory information, first, as to what measures of precaution, and next, as to what measures of preven. tion had been resorted to, and what safety the metropolis was to hope for in future, should these outrages be continued. Although it was true, as the noble lord had said, that the danger was not exceedingly great, yet the fact was known, that so negligent had the police been in the discharge of its duty, that the populace who had on the previous night attacked the house of a right hon. gentleman, had been able in the broad noon-day to renew and prosecute that attack. The noble lord had assured the House that the Executive Government would stand by the Legisla Mr. Addington expressed himself obliged to the hon. member for giving him this opportunity of stating what steps the Secretary of State for the Home depart. ment had taken to secure the tranquillity of the metropolis. He was sure, that merely to state the outlines of the various measures of precaution and protection would be sufficient. The first step was taken as early as Monday last; indeed, on the evening before, they had been commenced, but on Monday last lord Sidmouth had sent a letter to the lord mayor, pointing out the necessity of paying a strict attention to the preservation of the peace of the city. Afterwards ten magisrates were appointed to different districts, that had been previously arranged. Sir C. Burrell spoke to order: he thought such a disclosure of the steps taken by Government likely to defeat the very object in view. Mr. Wynn observed, that the statement might be contrary to discretion, but could not be contrary to order. Of the propriety of making the statement the right hon. gentleman was to judge. Mr. Yorke observed, that there was, in truth, no question before the House, and recommended the reading of the other orders of the day. The Speaker admitted that there was no regular question; but suggested, that on important occasions like the present the ordinary regularity of proceeding was dispensed with. Mr. Addington said, he was only about to state the outline of the proceedings of the Executive Government, in pursuance, as he understood, of the wish of the House. If it were their pleasure, he was quite willing to proceed with his statement; [Cries of 'No, no,' from all sides,] at least it might be some satisfaction if he assured the House upon his own responsibility, as far as it was of value, and he pledged himself to prove the fact incontestably, that every possible measure of precaution and prevention had been resorted to; that no means had been omitted, and no expedient left untried. Mr. Ponsonby rose, but, from the great confusion prevailing in the House, could not for some moments be heard. He agreed that it was wise to give directions to the police and military to be as forbearing as possible, since the subject was one, of all others, on which some degree of intemperance might be expected and excused; but if this intemperance were pushed too far, forbearance would be construed into pusillanimity. It ought to be remembered in censuring the police, that in a large metropolis, it was impossible for the police to be present at all points of attack. It was far better, however, to err on the side of lenity than of severity: severe measures, in his judgment, ought not to be resorted to until there was not a man in the metropolis, with the exception of those who suffered from them, who would not admit that they were justifiable. Lord Castlereagh was not aware that members had sustained any personal injury or inconvenience in attending their duty in parliament since the former night. Riots of this kind were happily not of frequent occurrence in this metropolis, and consequently the means of preventing or quelling them might not so readily be resorted to. He hoped that hon. gentlemen would feel the same spirit of forbearance before they attached blame to the magistrates, who had not been guilty of any pusillanimity, although they might have acted with too little severity on particular occasions. talk of the police of London, or any polica that could be sufficient to oppose such tumults. If the Government and Parliament neglected to take proper measures to repress them, it would be quite idle and ridiculous to continue talking in that House about the rights and liberties of Englishmen, at a time that no man was safe in his own house. If such proceedings were allowed to continue, there could be no government or parliament in the country, unless the parliament was withdrawn from the metropolis, and summoned to meet in some other city or town in the kingdom. He trusted, however, that those disgraceful scenes would be soon terminated. Mr. Alderman Atkins thought the danger so pressing, that he recommended the immediate introduction of a bill, which might then go through the first stage, for establishing additional magistrates in all the parishes of the metropolis, with a proportionate number of constables. Mr. Huskisson remarked, that a bill was not necessary for such a purpose, if additional aid were required. After what had passed that night, and after the devastations the infuriated and blind rabble had committed, he hoped that no member would again venture to assert that the proceedings of the House had given sufficient provocation to the people of England to commit these outrages. The greatest danger had resulted entirely from the mode in which these debates had been conducted. This night he had heard with indignation that he could scarcely repress, the basest motives and lowest designs attributed to the supporters of this measure. The Speaker here interposed, and reminded the right hon. gentleman that there were several orders of the day to be disposed of. Mr. Baring rose with considerable warmth, conceiving that he had been personally alluded to by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down. He hoped that the House would allow him to say a few words to vindicate himself from what he considered a most unprovoked attack. Mr. Whitbread said, that though he did not mean to assert that the magistrates might have prevented the tumult or the interference of the military when it was excited, yet he thought that a reprimand to them would have been well timed, and might have prevented many calamities. On a future day he hoped that due inquiries would be made into the steps adopted by the Executive Government. The House could not be ignorant that an unconstitutional police had been raised by act of parliament at a great annual expense, for the express purpose of rendering unnecessary the interposition of military to preserve the peace of the metropolis. He hoped, on investigation, that it would turn out that the police had been properly distributed, and that its timely aid had been required: no man was more anxious that lenity should be shewn than himself; but it should remembered that if recurrence were had to severe measures, Mr. Tierney conceived that Mr. Husthey were made requisite by the negli-kisson had finished the accusation he made gence of the police. upon his hon. friend, who had a right to be heard in his own vindication. Mr. Yorke thought it quite nugatory to (VOL. XXX.) Mr. Fuzgerald interposed, and said that if Mr. Baring had any claim to be heard, Mr. Huskisson had a right to conclude what he was about to say when interrupted by the Chair. (G) Mr. Fuggerald repeated his remark, but | from the confusion prevailing in the House, it was scarcely audible. The Speaker, when order was restored, remarked, that he had interrupted the right hon. gentleman, conceiving that he was transgressing the bounds usually assigned. If he were allowed to conclude, after due reflection, upon what he had before said, it would be but just that Mr. Baring should be permitted to reply. Mr. Huskisson added, that he had stated his confirmed opinion, and could not be induced to retract it. The hon. member had said, as be understood, that the disturbances had been occasioned by the provocations afforded by the House. This was a sentiment on which it became any and every member to animadvert. What he was about to say further at the time the Chair interposed, was, that he implored the House not to attribute the basest and most unworthy motives to members who defended the Bill, but in future discussions to avoid accusations, and discuss the measure upon its real merits. Mr. Baring said, that what remarks he had made upon the Bill he had offered in the conscious discharge of his duty, from which nothing should induce him to shrink. It was most unjust and unfair that any individual in that House should point out another, from the line of conduct that others pursued, as the author of the ill-treatment of the members, and of the disturbances in the metropolis. Whatever were his opinions upon this Bill, he had declared them, and would still avow them, aud what effect those opinions might have out of doors was not for him to consider or care. Free discussion was most necessary upon a measure like the present; and if gentlemen on the other side were not to be terrified into voting against the Bill, he was not to be awed into an acquiescence in what he thought a ruinous measure, lest popular feeling should be excited and expressed. He had given it as his opinion that there was no danger which ought to induce the House to precipitate the Bill, and what he had stated was only to induce the House to proceed with due deliberation. He admitted, that if the complaints of the people were ill-founded, nothing ought to induce the House to go a line out of its way. He again protested against any member rising and pointing out another as the author and abettor of the disgraceful riots that had lately disturbed the metropolis. On SCOTCH TRIAL BY JURY BILL.] moving the second reading of this Bill, Mr. William Dundas observed, that a measure more important in its object and beneficial in its consequences, as relating to the administration of justice in Scotland, had never been introduced to the attention of that House. He was confident that nothing more was necessary to insure its support, than to state the purport of the present Bill. The blessings resulting to England by that invaluable mode of trial by jury, were well and accurately understood; every writer on the English constitution had made it the constant theme of panegyric. All that Scotland now asked was to share that advantage, and he was therefore well assured, that to the general principle no opposition would be made in that House. Mr. Abercrombie could not suffer so important a measure to pass, without expressing his complete satisfaction, and his conviction of its beneficial consequences. If it had not excited much attention in that House, it was only because no individual doubted the propriety of the principle of a trial by jury; and he felt as sured, that the silence with which it had passed would convey to Scotland the impression of every member within those walls, as to that most beneficial mode of administering justice. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Tuesday next. On the motion of Mr. Dundas, it was resolved that the House should, on Monday next, consider of the salaries of the judges and officers to be appointed under the Bill. Mr. Horner rose to express his great satisfaction at the introduction of the Bill. There was, however, a very important feature in it, which deserved mature consideration; he meant the discretion given to the court to order the trial. That was a privilege which ought to be viewed with the utmost jealousy; but as the Bill was merely experimental, and was not intended to be a permanent measure, he should not oppose it on that account. Other points might be discussed in the committee. take preparatory steps for resuming its payments in cash. That, however, could not be effected till the price of gold were reduced to the Mint price. When that period arrived, the Bank would adopt measures for returning to payments in specie; but while the price of gold was above the Mint price, there were persons who would always contrive to melt the coin. To the words in the early part of the amendment, be had no objection; since he had always expressed his individual anxiety to return to payments in cash, and he was persuaded that it would be the anxious wish of the Bank to pay their notes as soon as possible. Mr. Manning said, he had always stated his individual anxiety to resume cashpayments, and he knew that the gentlemen with whom he acted, wished to return to that state of things as soon as it could possibly be done without producing results highly inconvenient to the country. He wished to recall to the recollection of the hon. mover of the amendment, the concluding words of the Report of the Bullion Committee, that in the event of peace, two years would be the shortest Mr. Finlay entirely acquiesced in the period before the restriction could be principle of the Bill. Mr. Dundas was happy to find, that he should have the assistance of the hon. and learned gentleman. taken off. It was well known that we were not yet in any thing like a state of BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] After the peace we had yet a large foreign exthird reading of this Bill, - Mr. Horner moved as an amendment, to leave out certain words, and to insert in their place a clause somewhat to this effect: "That whereas it was highly desirable that the Bank should, as soon as possible, resume its payments in cash, immediately after the passing of the present Act, measures should be taken by the Bank to enable them to resume such payments." His object in proposing this amendment was, that the Bank should, in the fifteen months longer allowed them, lose no time in preparing to resume cash-payments, and not consider this as a new lease of exemption from paying in specie. " The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to the introduction of the first part of the amendment, which expressed the desire of a resumption of cash-payments, as be bimself felt a sincere wish for that event; but he would certainly object to the latter part, which required the adoption of immediate measures for that purpose. Mr. Rose objected to the amendment, as it would tend to mislead the country: it implied, that the Bank, if urged, might § penditure; while this foreign expenditure was going on, and till the state of exchanges was fixed, it would be highly dan. gerous to return to cash-payments. One of the first effects of such directions to the Bank would be to induce them to restrict their issues; and the effect of this would be felt throughout the whole country. Lord Archibald Hamilton wished to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon what he rested his hope that we should ever be able to return to cash-payments? It seemed to him that he had no other ground for this, than the vague wish that the evil might cure itself. The governor of the Bank (Mr. Mellish) had been present at several discussions, but he seemed to take no interest in, nor to pay any attention to what was going on. The Bank must first reduce their paper before they could resume their cash-payments; and this was contrary to their immediate interest, for in proportion as they issued paper, in such proportion were their profits. Mr. Horner consented to take only the first part of his amendment. His purpose in proposing the amendment was to record the difference in principle on this ques tion. He agreed that the Bank could not licy, and whether the House should resign The second source of Mr. Thompson had such confidence in the discretion of the directors of the Bank Mr. J. P. Grant was satisfied that no of England, that he was perfectly satisfied person was anxious to force the Bank dito rely upon their taking the proper mearectors improperly to resume their cash- sures to resume payments in specie, when payments. He thought that the late fall circumstances would warrant such a step. in gold in this country might be attributed He was quite at a loss to know upon what to the immense quantity of depreciated ground gentlemen were anxious to force a Russian and Austrian paper which inun- cash circulation at this moment. It did dated the continent. The gold was there not appear to him, that the means by by forced into England, as it had formerly which gold was obtained was known to been driven from it by a similar cause. the generality of members, or he was sure This was at least a plausible explanation they would not press the adoption of such of the variation that had occurred in the a measure at this juncture. If it was once price of bullion. All that he desired was, known that the Bank of England was purthat the Bank should commence measures chasing bullion, the consequence would be with a view to what every person con. an immediate rise in that article, and the exsidered necessary; and he hoped and changes, instead of being favourable, would trusted, that if the right hon. gentleman be in a material degree unfavourable to this and his friends should find it impossible country; commerce would be thereby next year for the Bank to return to pay- impeded, and the interests of the manuments in cash, they would themselves facturers would be sacrificed. The remove the House to inquire into the subject. straint on the issues of specie, he was satisMr. Grenfell was persuaded, that if the fied, had been of great advantage to the House did not urge the Bank, payments commerce of this country, and particuin specie would never be resumed. Not-larly to those transactions which had taken withstanding the high characters of the place in London; and, for his own part, directors of the Bank of England, he so little did he value a coin currency, begged leave to ask, whether it were not that if he possessed a thousand guineas topossible that they might err as to sound po-morrow, he would carry them to the Bank, |