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have withdrawn our armies, and we say, contest, with dilapidated and exhausted this is not the time to re-produce them. resources; the middle classes of society The question therefore was, whether we being ground down to the dust, and the should go to war now when we had the country baving nothing in view but means of doing so with effect, or postpone horrors of the most calamitous kind. He it to a distant time, when we should be therefore trusted that ministers would not deprived of the power to do so? It ought plunge the country unadvisedly into war, not to be concealed from the people, that but that negociations would be entered the war could not be engaged in, unless into, if they could be adopted consistently every man was inclined to make the with the security and honour of the greatest possible sacrifices, and to forego country. every indulgence; and on this account he Mr. Wilberforce said, he saw difficulties hoped the House would pause before they and dangers surrounding both sides of the engaged in war, if it could by any possi- present question, and that he never found bility be avoided. Still he must say, that himself in a greater dilemma as to the he would not recommend any negociation course he should pursoe. His embarrasswith Buonaparte; but, for the reasons he ment, however, did not arise in any had given, he felt it his duly to oppose degree from the motion of his hon. friend, the Address.

because he saw strong and conclusive Sir John Newport said, he differed from arguments against it. He felt all the peril his right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby), and and imminent evils allendant upon a mialso from the right hon. gentleman who litary leader in France, who must neceshad just sat down, in various points. He sarily infuse into the military character was not convinced that the dangers which of that nation, new energies, and direct threatened this country were such as had them to extensive plans of warfare; bot been described. The dangers that might yet he could not say that he felt that peril grow out of an armed peace could not but so strongly as to think himself justified be infinitely augmented by a state of war; in lending his support to carrying on the for no man could forsee when the war, it war upon that ground alone. He knew once begun, would terminate. If the how easy it was to begin wars, and with hope of restoring the Bourbons could be what flattering delusions their successes realised, what security was there that were anticipated; but he knew also how; they could again keep their situations in the progress of those wars, clouds arose They had been restored, and they could to darken and obscure them, which did pot keep their situations. It was the not at first appear in the horizon. With pressure from without from the earliest respect to Buonaparté and the power he period of the war, when the duke of possessed, he feared, from the facts disa Brunswick issued his proclamation, that closed of his progress through France, had made France a military country: and that too large a proportion of the popula. however great might have been our former tion was favourable to bim. Of his cha. difficulties, they would bear no comparison racter, he had but one opinion. He with those we should have to encounter, as placed no confidence in the predictions they would now be insuperable from the of his improvement; for though there had exhausted state of our finances. The last been a large expenditure of bad passions coalition against Buonaparte had only in him, yet there still remained a fund prevailed in consequence of the insane of evil which was inexhaustible, he feared. projects of that man, who had reduced He should not think he honestly disFrance to such a situation that her re- charged his duty if he did not say that he

were paralysed; and yet the thought a peace with Buonaparte would Allies were obliged to make terms with be only a peace in name. He neverthehim, for fear, 'as was now admitted, that he less felt serious apprehensions, when he should turn round and overcome them. considered the uncertainty of all wars. For his part, he could see no hopes but As to the particular question, he supposed in an immediate and successful effort that his bon. friend would not be anxious against France ; and if this should not to press it.

to press it. He had probably brought the succeed, in two or three years, we should motion forward, merely to give the House find the foreign Powers detaching them- an opportunity of delivering their sentia selves from the cause one after another, ments on the general question of peace till at last we should be left alone to maintain the tremendous and desperate Mr. Tierney said, that if it might be


or war.

considered as a proof of wisdom to balance cess of the last campaign was entirely both sides of a question, and determine owing to a mistake of Buonaparté. Should upon neither, he would say that his hon. we enter on another war for the chance of friend who had just sat down abounded in another mistake on his patt? The assistwisdom. Such speeches were certainly ance of Austria could not be relied on, of some use, especially to members who as she had enough to do in Italy. Indeed, happened to come late into the House, as the Allies, it was said, had taken, not Buo. they had the advantage of hearing all that naparté bimself, but Buonaparté's mother could be said upon all sides of a subject. and sisters, and sent them to two of the He had had a pretty long experience of strongest fortresses of Germany-be supthe practice of his hon. Friend; and he posed to be exchanged at some future must say, that on all great and trying period, for some general officer. He did questions which came, before that House, not think Sweden could be relied on to be his hon. friend generally gave them the a party to the confederacy. If we had leanings of his mind, and to Government not as great a force as we had in the last the substance of his vole-[a laugh). With war, we could not expect success. But regard to the present motion, it had his what did we want to gain by the war? To decided support. For his own part, though preserve the Treaty of Paris. The Treaty much stress had been laid upon Buona . of Paris was offered to us, and why did we parié's escape from Elba, he ihought this not preserve it? Because the Allie's wished was the least of bis offences. As he had to make an experiment. We must put been thrust from the throne by the point | Buonaparté out of the world, and restore of the bayonet, it was not at all surprising the Bourbons. This was clearly the pure that he should have tried to gei back pose of the war. We bad now an accreagain. Gentlemen in that House, when dited ambassador from Louis 18; and this, turned out of office, were very apt to try to coupled with the Declaration of the Allies, get in again!-(a laugh). He denied that decidedly proved that the restoration of Buonaparte had been brought back entirely the Bourbons was our object. Was it not by the military. Instead of the invasion most likely that this would indispose all of France, as it had been called, it was one France against us? The French were of the most extraordinary feals of this ex- already soured against us by our manner traordinary man. He could not discover of sending Louis to them, by his acknow. any effort that he had made since his ledging that it was to the Prince Regent relurn, to conciliate the military: but of England he owed the throne, and by quite the reverse. Mr. Tierney said he our sending lord Wellington as tbe British would prefer the chance of peace to the ambassador to Paris. But what will be various chances of war. If we should go the event, should we fail in this war? to war, and afterwards, when our means When we should have spent all our reof paying were exhausted, the Allies sources and France was goaded by our should go to their homes, in what a situa- efforts, and had Buonaparié at her head, tion should we be placed! This country what would then be our condition? Let would then be inevitably lost. The noble the noble lord show bim, that we should Jord was evidently wrong when he had not be in a worse situation by the war expressed his opinion that the people of than we were now, and be might then be France would not have endured Buona- brought to concur in the war. But the parté one moment, if they could have Chancellor of the Exchequer must know helped themselves. Every thing showed that we could not possibly go on for more that the people were attached to him. If than two years with the expenses of a we were to go to war, subsidies would be But ibe truth was, it must be the hereafter required by our magnanimous overibrow of Buonaparié or of the minisAllies, far beyond what we should set out ters. The noble Jord with his blue ribbon, with; and next year ministers would tell us, which he had oblained by the defeat of as they did in the early periods of the last Buonaparıé, could not possibly make peace war, that these Allies had expended their with him. If it were otherwise, why was last farthing, and could not move without not the best security which France could farıher payments. On the whole, he was give, tried Why was it not tried to bring convinced that if we did engage in the her to disarm ? This would be the very war, it would prove one of the most ex. best security; and this, security, he was pensive and calamitous with which this convinced, so strong was the disposition to patiou had ever been afflicted. The suc. peace in France, we could have. If all the Allies would enter into a union to as stated by the hon. gentleman, we could make Buonaparté give this, they assuredly not calculate with certainty on a fortunate would get it. Peace, therefore, we could result. But if it were once admitted, that have, if we wished it. He thanked his when pressed by a tremendous danger we hon. friend for making his motion, and ought to remain inactive, lest our exertions thought him entitled to the country's should be fruitless, there was an end to thaoks. The noble lord had dealt very every virtuous and vigorous effort. If we unfairly by the House, by drawing it in had been terrified by the uncertainty of to give the unconscious pledge it had the result, we should not have defended given; and in the event of war, he was Portugal, supported the cause of the Spanot sure that disturbances would not arise niards, or assisted in the successful camin the country. He entreated the House paign of last year. It was true that many to consider that this might, perhaps, be coalitions had failed: but all had not their very last opportunity of expressing failed, as was proved in the last year. their opinions on this great question, and The present coalition had at least as much of averting the calamities with which this chance of success now as it had then. country was ihreatened.


Between forty and fifty fortresses, then Mr. Robinson thought that Buonaparté, garrisoned by French troops, were now in by his breach of the Treaty of Fontain the possession of the Allies. This circumbleau, had given a clear unqualified right stance would give the Allies a very conto this country to go to war with him. siderable advantage now, which then they Much had been said about the change did not possess. Upon the whole, he saw that the reverses had wrought in Buona. no reason whatever for despairing of parte's disposition. But how did he prove success. this change on his first entrance into

nte 1

Mr. Philips supported the motion. He France? On the 12th of March he issued deprecated the want of precaution on our a decree from Lyons, proscribing a certain part to prevent the return of Buonaparte number of individuals over whom he had to France, and censured the general pono right whatever. This showed no great licy of ministers.-[Tbis speech was inchange from his wonted ferocity-no terrupted by loud cries of · Question, great spirit of mildness, of mercy, of for- question !') giveness. He had abdicated the throne, Mr. Wellesley Pole, having succeeded and before he bad even reseated himself with difficulty in obtaining a hearing, on it, he proscribed persons not at all sub said, that he had only one appeal to make ject to him. It was said he was surrounded to the hon. gentleman who made the by persons favourable to liberty. But he motion, and one declaration to commubelieved that those who had once been the nicate to him, which he hoped, would strongest advocates for liberty, had been give as much satisfaction to the hon. gen. amongst bis basest and most fawning tleman as to every man else. In the sycophants. He did not attach much animadversions on the Declaration of the value to the support they now gave, as he 13th of March, repeated that night, he was satisfied they would be again ready had stated it as sanctioning the murder to change, if circumstances changed. It and assassination of Buonaparté, and he had been asked, why we should not now had lamented that the name of Welling. be content with the Peace of Paris ? This ton should have been disgraced by signPeace of Paris had only been concluded ing such a paper. He (Mr. P.) happened on the understanding that Buonaparté to be with the duke of Wellington when had for ever abdicated his pretensions to the report of the hon. gentleman's speech the throne of France. He admitted that reached him; and never was a man so in our present situation we had only a shocked as he then was, that one of his choice of evils; but he maintained, that countrymen-one who had either known, by far the less evil was to avail ourselves seen, or heard of him-should have supof the existing confederation, of the con- posed that he signed a paper bearing such centrated force of united Europe, in order a construction, or that he could possibly to endeavour to destroy that power which give it such a construction.

His only threatened the tranquillity of the world. understanding was, that Buonaparté had Our means for doing this were anıple, and forfeited all his political rights. At the our situation much better than that in time, it was not known whether it was which we were even at the successful Buonaparte's intention to endeavour to termination of the late war. It was true, regain the throne of France, or whether (VOL. XXX.)


he had put himself at the head of a ban- | given to his relation, and by him comditti to disturb any other country; and municated to the House. The character he never thought that any man, much less of the duke of Wellington was part of the a British senator, could have suspected property of this country. Who was not that he would have signed a paper with proud of the name? No person bad ever such a meaning. They conceived that he shown bimself more willing to pay the had forfeited his political rights, and that tribute of applause which was due to his he was a rebel and a traitor ; but they great actions than himself; and when he never intended to sanction his assassina. had so expressed himself, he hardly tion.

thought that his sincerity could be called Mr. Quin had yet heard nothing to in question. But was it because the duke persuade him that the people had any of Wellington had signed a Declaration, share in the return of Buonaparté; he that it bore a different construction from had found an active army and a passive what it would have done if he had not people. If we did not go to war, we put his name to it? And if in the hurry should have an armed peace, and France of business be did not consider the meanwould then have all the advantage. Buo. ing of this Declaration with sufficient atDaparté could not be believed to be ac- tention, was this not a subject of deep tuated by a sincere desire for peace. He lamentation to this country? If, before was an enemy to this country from envy this, any person had been asked, who of our free constitution, and our commer- would be the last man to sanction such cial greatness. The struggle might be doctrine or if there was one man whom arduous, and the event hazardous, yet he he would select from all mankind as the deprecated the idea of our abandonment person who would be most inclined to of the policy of our Allies.

give it his condemnation, he would have Mr. R. Gordon supported the motion. selected the duke of Wellington.

Mr. J. Smyth spoke in favour of the would have conceived the duke of Wel. Address, and contended that the war lington to feel in this way-save Buona. would be a war of aggression against parié for me, that he may command an France, and could not be justified on any army against me-[Hear, bear!) After rational grounds.

having vanquished in succession all his Sir Frederick Flood said, he wished for captains all his fame, all his glory, all peace with France, but he did not wish his future renown, were centered in the for peace with an outlaw and a rebel; life of Buonaparıé-(Hear, hear !] But and in that character only could he re- he had signed the Declaration, and it had gard the present Ruler of France. He gone forth to the world. What did considered that the most transcendent existence' mean, but physical existence? abilities had, in the late contest, been He was glad of the explanation of the displayed, both in the cabinet and in right lion. gentleman, because if his (Mr. the field, and was happy to recognize as Whitbread’s) voice had reached the Duke, his countrymen a Castlereagh and a Wel- it might also go out to the world that the lington. The present was a question of a duke of Wellington declared that the delicate nature; yet he could not help principle of assassination was detested by thinking the whole country ought to go him, and had never met with his approheart and band together in overturning bation. With respect to the noble lord the usurpation of Buonaparié.

(Castlereagh), he had divided his speech Mr. Coke (of Norfolk,) supported the into three parts: the first was a philippic motion. He could not help thinking, that against Buonaparté; the second was a those who were abertors of the war with philippic against him (Mr. Whitbread); France, on the present occasion, were the and the third was a panegyric upon himenemies, and not the friends of their self. With respect to the speech of an country.

hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce), he Mr. Whitbread, in reply, said, that not was surprized to bear such language from withstanding the explanation of the right a person of his grave and pious character, hun. gentleman (Mr. Wellesley Pole), he who opened a book, he believed, more confessed that he was still of opinion that often than any of those who heard him, in it would have been far more to the credit which it is said, that when a sinner repents of the duke of Wellington not to have he may save his soul alive. He begged the signed the Declaration in question, even hon. gentleman, however, the next time with the interpretation which had been he read that passsage, to put in an interlineation-excepting Buonaparté.' That

List of the Minority. hon. gentleman, who for twenty years Abercrombie, hon. J. Maddocks, W.A. had been unable to succeed in his great Althorp, lord project for the Abolition of the Slave Aubrey, sir John

Martin, J.

Martin, H. Trade, had never once given praise to that Astell, William Monck, sir C. great man, by whom it was accomplished. Atherley, A. Moore, Peter In the Report of the African Institution, Barnard, viscount Mackintosh, sir J. though use was made of the decree of Bewick, C.

Montgomery, sir H. Buonaparté, by saying that it would force Birch, Joseph Newport, sir J. all Europe to follow the example, yet not Brand, hon. Thos. Osborne, lord F. the least praise was given to that decree.

Byng, George Pierse, H. He would have been surprised at this, if Burdett, sir F.

Buller, James Philips, G. he had not recollected that no praise was

Piggott, sir A.

Calvert, Charles Prittie, hon. F. A. given to Mr. Fox, who abolished the Cavendish, lord G. Plumer, W. traffic in this country. The noble lord Cavendish, Henry Ponsonby, rt. hon. G. who had his confidence, was one of the Cavendish, Charles Pym, Francis small minority of 16 who voted for the Chaloner, R.

Paulet, hon. H. Vane continuance of that odious traffic. It was

Coke, Thomas Ramsden, S. C. asked, did he wish to depend on the re

Campbell, hon. J. Romilly, sir S. generation of Buonaparté ? He did not Dundas, hon. L.

Dundas, Charles Rowley, sir Wm. wish to depend on this, but he conceived Duncannon, visc.

Scudamore, R. P.

Smyth, J.H. that Buonaparte was in a situation to con. Fergusson, sir R. Smith, w ciliate all the French in his favour, and Foley, hon. A. Smith, J. that it would be necessary to extermi. Foley, col. T. Sebright, sir J. nate the whole of them, before ministers Gordon, R.

Tavistock, marquis could possibly succeed in their project. Grant, J. P. Taylor, M. A. The honourable member proceeded, in Guise, sir William Tierney, rt. hon. G. a most able manner, to reply to the

Hanbury, W. Wellesley, R.
Horner, F.

Western, C.C.
arguments of the noble lord, and other Halsey, J.
members who had spoken on that side Hornby, Edward

Wharton, John

Whitbread, s. of the question. He very eloquently Howorth, H. Wilkins, Walter vindicated the line of conduct he had pur- Latouche, R. Winnington, sir E. sued upon the question of peace from the Lyttelton, hon. W. Webster, sir G. earliest commencement of the war, and Leach, J. endeavoured to show in what way lord Lemon, sir W. Castlereagh had been duped by prince Lubbock, J. W.

H. G. Bennet

Sir M. W. Ridley. Talleyrand, who had formerly been the minister of Buonaparté.--[Lord Castle.

HOUSE OF LORDS. reagh said, that he had not been the minister of Buonaparté for eight years.]

Monday, May 1. Mr. Whitbread rejoined, that he supposed Naples.] Earl Grey said, their lord. the noble lord meant to assert, that a ships would recollect, that a few days ago, penance of eight years atoned for all previous to his giving notice of a motion former offences ; if so, what a lamentable on the subject of our existing relations misfortune it was for Buonaparté that be with the Government of Naples, and on had not remained in Elba for that space which their Jordships stood summoned for -then he might have returned to France, to-morrow, he had put some questions to have seated himself upon the throne, have a noble earl. To these, his not receiving shaken hands with the noble lord, nego- a satisfactory answer, was the cause of his ciated with the noble lord, and above all having given notice of a motion. Previous have duped the noble lord, as successfully to his bringing it on, however, he begged as he had been imposed upon by prince leave to ask that noble lord, whether he Talleyrand. The hon. gentleman con- now deemed it consistent with his duty to cluded with saying, that he had brought give certain explanations on the subject; the conduct of ministers before the House, and, in that view, he would trouble him and it remained with the House to deal but on two points. First, Whether we with them as they deserved,

were actually at war with Naples; and if The House then divided :

so, whether, as was customary, any com. For the motion........


munication would be made to Parliament Against it................

273 on the subject? And secondly, if we were Majority.

201 | not at war, whether any discussions were


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