VOL. XXVII. No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 7, 1815. [Price 1s.

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TO JOHN CARTWRIGHT, Esq. THE INFLEXIBLE ENEMY OF TYRANNY. ON THE

Peace between England and America.

Botley, January 1, 1815. DEAR SIR,When you, a few minutes after I was enclosed amongst felons in Newgate, for having written about the flogging of English Local Militia-men in the presence of German Dragoons, at the town of Ely, came to take me by the hand, and, looking round you, exclaimed, "Well! "I am seventy years old, but I shall yet ;" when you uttered that exclamation, little indeed did I hope that your prediction would so soon seem to be in a fair way of being fulfilled. The peace with America is certainly the most auspicious event that I have ever had to record, or to notice, since the first day that I ventured to put my thoughts upon

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nuance until now; and, 3d, of the causes which produced the peace. When we have done this, the consequences of such a termination of the war will naturally develope themselves to our view. Happily this war has closed before its causes and its objects have been forgotten. We are yet within the recollection of every circumstance; and though I have, over and over again, stated them all, it is now necessary to recapitulate the material points, and to give them, if possible, a form and situation that may defy the power of time. All sorts of vile means will be used by those who have the controul of a corrupt press, to misrepresent, to disfigure, to disguise, to suppress, upon this important occasion. The hirelings are raving with mortification at this grand event, the consequences of which they feel before hand. It is, therefore, incumbent upon us to place the whole of the matter in a clear light, and thus to do all that we are able to counteract their efforts.

The

It opens to mankind a prospect of happier days. It has, by a stroke of the FIRST, as to the cause of the war: pen, blasted the malignant hopes of the though there had been several points in enemies of freedom, baffled all their specu- dispute, the war was produced by the im lations, flung them back beyond the point pressment, by our naval officers, of men out whence they started in their career of hos-of American ships on the high seas. tility against the principles of political and Republic wished to take no part in the civil liberty; hurled them and their para- European war, especially after Napoleon igraphs, and pamphlets and reviews, and all made himself a King. But she, at last, the rest of their hireling productions, down found, that, in order to avoid miseries equal into the dirt to be trampled under foot; to those of war, it was necessary for her to changed their exultation into mourning, arm and to fight. We stopped her ships their audacity into fear. Let those to on the high seas, and our naval officers imwhom liberty and slavery are indifferent presed such men as they thought proper, talk about boundary lines, passages, fishing took them on board of our ships, compelled banks and commercial arrangements; you them to submit to our discipline, and to will look at the peace with very different short, in our service. The ground fight, in eyes; you will see in it the greatest stroke which we proceeded to do this was, that that has ever yet been struck in favour of the persons impressed were British subthat cause, to which you have devoted your jects; and that we had a right to impres& life; and struck, too, at a time, when almost British subjects, being seamen, find them every friend of freedom, except yourself, where we might. The Republic denied alseemed to have yielded to feelings of together our right to take persons of any despair. description by force out of her neutral But, in order to be able fully and justly ships, unless they were soldiers or seamen to estimate the consequences of this peace, actually in the service of our enemy. But, we must take a review, 1st, of the cause perhaps, if we had confined our impressof the war; 20, of the causes of its conti-ments to our own people, she might not

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have gone to war. This, however, our "June can only be defeated by a refusal naval officers did not do. It has never 16 on the part of your Government to desist been denied by our Government, that many" from hostilities, or to comply with the native Republicans were impressed by our conditions expressed in the said Order. officers. It is notorious, that many of them" Under the circumstances of your having have been compelled to serve on board of" no powers to negociate, I must decline our ships; and, of course, that many have" entering into a detailed discussion of the been wounded or killed; or, at least, car- 66 propositions which you have been directried from their country, their homes, their "ed to bring forward.-I cannot, however, family, and their affairs. Mr. Madison," refrain on one single point from expressin his last speech to the Congress, states," ing my surprise; namely, that, as a conthat "thsunds" of Native Republicans"dition, preliminary even to a suspension were thus impressed, before war was de- " of hostilities, the Government of the clared by the Congress. The Congress, "United States should have thought fit to at last, declared war; but the President," demand, that the British Government always anxious to avoid the calamities of "should desist from its ancient and accuswar, immediately proposed the renewal of " tomed practice of impressing British seanegociations for peace. Mr. Russell, then men from the merchant ships of a foreign the Republican Minister in London, signi- " State, simply on the assurance that a law fied to Lord Castlereagh, in August 1812," shall hereafter be passed, to prohibit the that he was authorised to stipulate for an employment of British seamen in the Armistice, to begin in sixty days, on the "public or commercial service of that following conditions: "That the Orders in "State.-The British Government now, "Council be repealed, and no illegal "as heretofore, is ready to receive from "blockades be substituted for them; and "the Government of the United States, "that orders be immediately given to dis" and amicably to discuss, any proposition "continue the impressment of persons from "which professes to have in view either to “American vessels, and to restore the "check abuse in exercise of the practice "citizens of the United States already im-" of impressment, or to accomplish, by & pressed; it being moreover well under-" means less liable to vexation, the object "stood, that the British Government will" for which impressment has hitherto been "assent to enter into definitive arrange- "found necessary; but they cannot consent ments, as soon as may be, on these and "to suspend the exercise of a right upon "every other difference, by a Treaty, to be" which the naval strength of the empire "concluded, either at London or Wash-" mainly depends, until they are fully con❝ington, as on an impartial consideration" vinced that means can be devised, and "of existing circumstances shall be deem-"will be adopted, by which the object to "ed most expedient. As an inducement" be obtained by the exercise of that right "to Great Britain to discontinue the 66 prac- can be effectually secured. I have the "tice of impressment from American" honour to be, Sir, your most obedient "vessels, I am authorised to give assurance "humble Servant."

that a law shall be passed (to be reci- This offer, you will perceive, came from procal), to prohibit the employment of the President. How false, then, is the "British seamen in the public or commer-charge, that he went to war to assist Na"cial service of the United States.-It is poleon! If that had been true, he, of sincerely believed, that such an arrange-course, would have proposed no armistice. "ment would prove more efficacious, in securing to Great Britain her scamen, than the practice of impressment, so derogatory to the sovereign attributes of the United States, and so incompatible with "the personal rights of their citizens."

He would have been anxious to avoid alt means of reconciliation. But, on the contrary, he is the first to make an effort to put an end to the war; and, even in the case of impressment, to tender voluntarily a measure calculated to remove our ap Lord Castlereagh's answer to this was prehensions on the score of our seamen. as follows:-"From this statement you I do not know how an English Secretary of "will perceive, that the view you have State may have been able to look a Repubtaken of this part of the subject is incor-lican Minister in the face, while the forrect; and that, in the present state of the velations between the countries, the geraton of the Order of the 23d of

mer was asserting, that the strength of England mainly depended on the exercise of the right of impressing its own subjects ;

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but, he that as it may, the President here" British subjects in their service, and tendered á measure to render that impress-" enforce the prohibition by suitable regument unnecessary, unless it was still mcant" lations and penalties, the motive for the to impress the Republicans. practice is taken away. It is in this mode. The Republic having failed in this en- "that the President is willing to accommodeavour to restore peace, she made another" date this important controversy with the attempt, the succeeding month, as will be" British Government, and it cannot be conseen in the letter of Mr. Monroe to Sir" ceived on what ground the arrangement John B. Warren, and which letter it is of" can be refused.- -A suspension of the great importance now to peruse with at-" practice of impressment, pending the arJention. After the opening of his letter," mistice, seems to be a necessary consehe proceeds thus :-"I am instructed to quence. It cannot be presumed, while "inform you, that it will be very satisfac-" the parties are engaged in a negociation "tory to the President to meet the British" to adjust amicably this important differ"Government in such arrangements as 66 ence, that the United States would admay terminate, without delay, the hosti-"mit the right, or acquiesce in the prac"lities which now exist between the United" tice, of the opposite party; or that Great "States and Great Britain, on conditions" Britain would be unwilling to restrain "honourable to both nations.- At the" her cruisers from a practice which would moment of the declaration of war, the "have the strongest tendency to defeat 66 President gave a signal proof of the at-" the negociation. It is presumable that "tachment of the United States to peace." both parties would enter into a negocia "Instructions were given, at an early pe- ❝tion with a sincere desire to give it effect. "riod, to the late Charge d'Affaires of" For this purpose, it is necessary that a "the United States at London, to propose "clear and distinct understanding be first "to the British Government an armistice," obtained between them, of the accommo"on conditions which, it was presumed,"dation which each is prepared to make. "would have been satisfactory. It has" If the British Government is willing to "been seen with regret, that the proposi-" suspend the practice of impressment from "tion made by Mr. Monroe, particularly" American vessels, on consideration that "in regard to the important interest of" the United States will exclude British "impressment, was rejected; and that" seamen from their service, the regulation, none was offered through that channel," by which this compromise should be caras a basis on which hostilities might" ried into effect, would be solely the ob86 cease.- -As your Government has au- "ject of this negociation. The armistice "thorised you to propose a cessation of" would be of short duration. If the parhostilities, and is doubtless aware of the "ties agree, peace would be the result. important and salutary effect which a sa- " If the negociation failed, each would be tisfactory adjustment of this difference "restored to its former state, and to all its "cannot fail to have on the future rela-" pretensions, by recurring to war.-Lord "tions between the two countries, I in- " Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, "dulge the hope that it has, ere this, given" seems to have supposed, that, had the you full powers for the purpose. Ex-" British Government accepted the propoperience has sufficiently evinced that no "sitions made to it, Great Britain would peace can be durable, unless this object" have suspended immediately the exercise "is provided for it is presumed, there-" of a right on the mere assurance of this "fore, that it is equally the interest of" Government, that a law would be after"both countries to adjust it at this time.-"wards passed to prohibit the employment "Without further discussing questions of" of British seamen in the service of the "right, the President is desirous to pro- "United States, and that Great Britain "vide a remedy for the evils complained" would have no agency in the regulation "of on both sides. The claim of the Bri-" to give effect to that proposition. Such "tish Government is to take from the" an idea was not in the contemplation of “merchant vessels of other countries Bri-" this Government, nor is to be reasonably “tish subjects. In the practice, the Com-" inferred from Mr. Russell's note: least, "manders of British ships of war often" however, by possibility, such an inference "take from the merchant vessels of the" might be drawn from the instructions "United States American citizens. If the" to Mr. Russell, and anxious that there "United States prohibit the employment of" should be no misunderstanding in the

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"case, subsequent instructions were given once allowed, that we had a right to im"to Mr. Russell, with a view to obviate press on board American ships. Was this every objection of the kind alluded to. offer to be attributed to a wish to aid Na"As they bear date on the 27th of July,poleon? How execrable, then, has been "and were forwarded by the British the conduct of those who have been labourpacket Alphea, it is more than probable ing to make the people of England believe, "that they may have been received and that Mr. Madison went to war to aid Naacted on.- -1 am happy to explain to poleon! What wretches must those be, 66 you thus fully the views of my Govern- who have called him “the tool of the fallen "ment on this important subject. The" despot ?" what impudent men, those who "President desires that the war which have accused him of attacking us in the "exists between our countries should be dark, like an assassin ? The man, who, terminated on such conditions as may se- the other day, uttered that expression, “cure a solid and durable peace. To ac- ought to have had his lips smashed upon complish this great object, it is neces- his teeth. Every effort, short of opening sary that the interest of impressment be the Republican ships to English press"satisfactorily arranged. He is willing gangs, was, it appears to me, made by the "that Great Britain should he secured President to prevent the war, and to put "against the evils of which she complains. an end to the war after it was begun. "He seeks, on the other hand, that the It is asserted most roundly, in Lord “citizens of the United States should be Castlereagh's letter to Mr. Russell, that protected against a practice, which," to impress British seamen from the mer"while it degrades the nation, deprives" chant ships of a foreign State is the anci"them of their right as freemen, takes" ent and accustomed practice of the British "them by force from their families and Government." It has often been thus “their country, into a foreign service, to "fight the battles of a foreign Power, perhaps against their own kindred and country. I abstain from entering, in this communication, into other grounds "of differences. The Orders in Council "having beca repealed (with a reservation "not impairing a corresponding right on the part of the United States), and no legal blockades revived or instituted in “their stead, and an understanding being "obtained on the subject of impressment, "in the mode herein proposed, the Presi"dent is willing to agree to a cessation of hostilities, with a view to arrange, by treaty, in a more distinct and ample manner, and to the satisfaction of both parties, every other subject of centroversy.—1 will only add, that if there “be n objection to an accommodation of the difference relating to impressment, in the mode proposed, other than the sus"pension of the British claims to impressment during the armistice, there can be "none to proceeding, without the armistice, “to an immediate discussion and arrange- | “ment of an article on that subject. This "great question being satisfactorily adjusted, the way will be open either for an armistice, or any other course leading most conveniently and expeditiously to a "general pacification."

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This offer, too, was rejected! What more was the President to do unless be, at

said, but never has been attempted to he
proved. I have never read of any such
practice; I have never heard of any such
practice; and, I defy any one, to cite in
any book on the law of nations any record
of such a practice, or any maxim or prin-
ciple to warrant it. I have thrown down
this challenge fifty times, and it has never
been taken up. But, we did not stop with
this practice. We impressed Native Re-
publicans. Mr. Madison says that we im
pressed thousands of them. The President
tenders us a law, to be agreed on by us
well as him, to prevent our seamen from
serving on board of the Republican ships;
and this, even this, does not satisfy us.-
He wishes to put an end to the war in this
way, even at a time when he is accused of
having declared it for the purpose of aiding
Napoleon; and still the hiiclings of the
London press call him "the tool of Napo-
leon;" while other miscreants accuse him
of having attacked us in the dark, like an
assassin.

SECOND, the causes of the continuance of the War. But, how came the war not to cease when the war in Europe ceased? This is the most interesting part of the subject. The professed object of the war, on our part, was to make the Americans submit to our practice of impressment, alledging that that practice was necessary to the preservation of our maritime power, on which our existence depended." Mr.