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every one cries out. Sir Francis Bur-clamour against those dett, in 1811 or 1812, when he moved to see the loyal" pouring forth all sorts the address in the House of Commons, of invective against things, which he lawas most grossly abused for describing boured to prevent. Mr. TOOKE is not the Property Tax in colours far less alive to enjoy this spectacle; but, his odious than those, in which " the loyal" efforts, the noble stand which he mader now describe it. Thus time makes all will always be remembered with gratitudesorts of changes. But, if other taxes be by those who retain any esteem for the imposed instead of the war taxes, what rights and liberties of their forefathers. will the people have gained? If, for instance, JERRY JOBERNOL, the farmer, should get rid of his tenpounds a year of war taxes, and should, in future, ave to pay ten pounds a year in lieu of it, in his salt, malt, horse, window, soap, candle and leather tax, what wouldJerry thereby gain? And, if the petitioners mean, that no other taxes should be laid on in licu of the war taxes, they should say so. Then, do they mean, that the funding system should be destroyed, and that the fund-holders should not be paid their dividends? No: they do not mean this. Why then do they not say so? And, why do they not point out how faith may be kept with the fundholders, and the war taxes (without substitutes) be done away?

IT is now evident to me, that our ministers mean to propose a law to put a step to the importation of Corn. I am confirmed in this opinion by the language of the COURIER newspaper for some time past; and especially by the following article, which appeared in that paper of the 23d instant, and which article I am morally certain came from a source of authority, The reader will see, m the ability with which it is written, that it never could come from the same pen whence proceed the articles of the Editor of that paper; and the form and place, of it, if the reader could see them, would strengthen the opinion. After inserting it, I shall endeavour to shew, how it blinks all the main points, how fallaThere must be new taxes laid on, equal cious it is, how it is calculated to deceive

and to mislead. "The Meetings upon "the Agricultural State of the Country There must be Loans in time of peace;" are become universal. This is a sub

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ject which we touch always with deli- " ever high it was, did not depend upon cacy, and almost with dread. It is" them. It arose from causes over which "one of such vital importance, one in" they had no controul; from deficient " which a false step, or an erroneous doc-" seasons, and from the state of the con"trine, may do such incalculable mis-" tinent, with which all intercourse was chief, that we fear ever to pronounce "prevented. But allowing, for the sake any decisive opiniou. What suggestions "of argument, that they did make large we throw out, we throw out with diffi-" fortunes, that must have been a public "dence and hesitation, convinced of our "benefit, inasmuch as the increase of "being more in want of information, than" their capital would naturally lead them "able to communicate any. But there to extend the agriculture of the coun"are some facts upon which there can try, to improve bad land, and bring "be no doubt, and upon them we may "the waste into produce. The answer safely reason-and in reasoning upon "to the first question involves in it an "them, we are quite sure that we shall "answer to the second.-Upon the third "not deserve, in the words of Mr.Burke, we very willingly observe, that we are "to be classed amongst "those wicked" for the people having this necessary of "writers of the newspapers, who would "life as cheap as possible; but we would "inflame the poor against their friends," not purchase an unexampled cheapness guardians, patrons, and protectors."--" to-day, with the certainty, or even the "Upon this subject,more than any other, risk, of having dearness to-morrow. By "there are prejudices so strong as almost "the return of last Saturday's Gazette, "to resist the evidence of the strongest CC we find that the average price of wheat "facts, and these prejudices are infinite-" was 31. 3s. 4d. the quarter, or 7s. 11d. "ly aggravated by the number of idle" the bushel: Barley, 11. 11s, 6d. ; and "tales spread about by the industry of" Oats, 11, 3s. 9d. This cheapness arises “faction, and greedily devoured by the" from two causes-the admitting the "malignant credulity of mankind. When" free importation of corn, and the congrain is dear, the prejudice is against "sequent necessity under which the monopolizers; when it is cheap, then" British farmer has been of bringing his "the cry is, to give the utmost license" "grain to market. The generality of " and encouragement to importation, "mankind, looking only at the present "in order that it may become cheaper "result, will rejoice, and we are not sur“still, and thus, as we have heard it" prised at it, and feel disposed to look said, to be revenged on the farmer." with an evil eye upon any thing that "But revenge ought not to be exercised" would disturb it. Forbearance, and against the farmer. Revenge on the" the want of all interference would "farmer would soon be accompanied "be a greater disturber than any "with a much wider vengeance upon "other cause. For let but the sys"the avengers--they would themselves be- tem of encouraging the free impor"come at no remote period the victims of " tation of corn be continued, and the "their vengeance. Evils however at a dis-" vengeance which the ignorant would "tance we are too apt neither to see nor "inflict upon the British farmer would "care for. "Have not farmers (is the" be complete. He would not enter the "common cry,) been making immense" lists of competition with the foreign fortunes for the last twenty years? "grower, for he would not cultivate "Have they not been living upon the grain at all. But the British farmer "distresses of the people? And ought ought not to be so dealt with, nor "not the latter to have the advantage ought the food of the people of Eng"which the late harvests and peace have" land to depend upon foreign coun"given them, to have bread at as cheap "tries. There is not a more obvious a rate as possible?" We answer each principle than this, that men will not "of these questions-That the farmers" apply their industry and their capital "have been making immense fortunes" to the growing or manufacturing an "for the last twenty years, is an asser- "article which they cannot sell at a "tion which it is as easy to make, as we price higher than it cost them in grow"believe it would be difficult to prove. "ing or manufacturing it; a price that "But if they had, how would that bear" shall enable them if not to lay something upon the subject? The price, how- by, at least to maintain them. Wheat

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"and Barley at the last prices quoted in the Gazette, are at a less price than "the expence to which the farmer wou'd "be put by growing them, including wages to labourers, keep for horses, repair of waggons, cost of the seed, "and rent to the landlord. Of course "then he will direct his industry and capital to other channels; he will not grow grain; he will not make land "hitherto barren, productive in corn; "he will not bring the wastes and heaths "into cultivation. There will compara

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was dearer. If agriculture be dis couraged, the farmer will not want so many labourers, the ploughman, the "thresher, and the reaper, will not be "wanted-and thus will those persons "starve amidst cheapness.""But it has been said, let the farmer look to his landlord, who having raised his rent in proportion to the encreasing price "of grain, ought now to be lowered to the "level at what it was before such increase.

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There is much reason in this, and it will operate no doubt upon the landlord. If "he find that he cannot get a high rent paid, but that he can get a lower one, "of course he will prefer the latter. The cessation of the Property Tax will be "another relief; But these of themselves "will not be sufficient. We take our stand upon this ground, which cannot be sha-ken; that the British farmer should have an interest in cultivating grain. Has "he that interest at the present prices? "No. What is the remedy? Clearly that "the foreign grower should bear some " of the burthens that he does; that he

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tively be no English corn grown. "Very well," we hear some say, "and" "what is that to us, provided we still "have abundant supplies open to us." "But softly! it is a great deal to them -a great deal indeed! In the first place, the foreign grower, when he "finds that he has nothing to fear from "the rivalship of the British farmer, will "raise his price. This is obvious"When he knows you must depend upon "him for the commodity, he will increase "his terms. There is not a plainer "commercial principle than this. Here "then is the first inroad upon the cheapness which you flattered yourself would "be so permanent. But you must not forget another circumstance--that peace cannot be perpetual, and that wars must take place.-Nay, that fo-"hould pay a duty upon importation; reign powers may be more likely to go "that this duty should make the price "to war with us, thinking that they "of foreign corn equal to a price which "have the means in their hands, (we, "the English farmer ought to get for Bri depending upon them entirely for "tish coru. Mr. Burke thought a farmer "grain) of compelling us to accept terms ought to make 12 per cent, upon his capital after paying his rent;" Later "writers and witnesses examined by Parliament, think 10 per cent. a sum "much less than is made in almost all "other trades. At the present price of " grain the farmer so far from making "this interest upon his capital must les

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and to make concessions. We put a "case-Poland will be annexed to, or "under the controul of Russia. It is from Poland we derive the largest "continental supplies of foreign corn. "Should we go to war with Russia, she might shut all her ports, Russian as "well as Polish, and prevent the expor-"sen that capital by cultivating. What "tation of grain. What should we do "then? We might procure it from other

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parts, from the Barbary States and much upon his capital, we presume "from America. But would not the "not to state from our own knowledge, price be much increased upon us, those "Some of the witnesses examined by the Powers always keeping in mind that" House of Lords declare that wheat we must depend upon them? Well, ought to be 41. 16s. a quarter, or 12,. "but this is not all-you have formed a bushel to produce this effect. Others your calculations and your hopes upon "fix it at 41. or 10s. the bushel; none the certainty of the harvest never fail-" lower. At 31. 15s. or 9s. 4d. per ing upon the Continent, of there being "bushel, (see the reports of the House always fine and productive seasons. If" of Lords,) all declare the farmer could "the harvest should fail and a scarcity] "not be able to pay his rent and get

10 per cent. upon his capital. The from causes, over which the farmers had "present average price, according to no controul, that is to say, in part, at Saturday's Gazette, is 7s. 11d. the least, from the war. It is not true, "bushel. We have thus fulfilled our (though it has nothing to do with the "intention of collecting a few facts, point at issue) that the farmers were "which we have endeavoured to place wholly innocent here; for, they were no"in a prominent point of view, offering toriously amongst the foremost to uphold "such reasons as they are suggested to PITT in making war and in carrying on "our minds. We are quite sure that war, against the Republicans of France. "we speak without partiality or prejudice That has been accomplished, which they "ourselves; We are neither farmers nor tendered their lives and fortunes to ac"merchants, neither growers of home nor complish. The republic of France has importers of foreign corn. Our chief been destroyed; the Bourbons have been "anxiety is to remove, if possible, some restored; liberty has been nearly put out prejudices, knowing that he best pro- in that country; and, really, if our far"motes the interests of the poorer classes mers were to suffer in consequence of and of British agriculture, who encou- what has taken place, they certainly would rages and promotes the interests of the come in for their full share of meriting *British farmer. "If the price of the that suffering.Now we come to the subcorn," says an eminent writer, should ject:-The argument is this; that, un"not compensate the price of growing it, less corn is dear, the English farmer can"the most serious evil, the very destruc- not grow it, because it would not bring "tion of agriculture itself, is to be appre-him enough to enable him to pay wages "hended." Now, though this article is written with great ability, and with even greater craft than ability, it will require, I trust, not a great deal to be said, to shew that its tendency is to deceive the people, and to entice them, by a fallacious statement, into an acquiescence in a measure for making corn dear; that being the undisguised object of the writer.Before I proceed to the main points, let me notice the insinuation, that objections to a Corn Bill have been owing to the "industry of faction." What then, is OLD GEORGE ROSE become the leader of faction? He, who wrote a pamphlet to convince the people of England, that, if they did not quietly pay the war-taxes, the French Republicans would deprive them of the blessed comforts of religion? He has, indeed, been very industrious upon this occasion: but has his been the "industry of faction?" Have the petitions of the loyal" of Southampton, Portsmouth, Winchester, and hundreds of other cities and towns, proceeded from " the industry of faction?" Oh, no! this will never do. The promoters of the measure cannot now raise a cry against the Jacobins. That humbng is over for ever.-Who told this writer, that any body ever said, that revenge against the farmer was the object of the opposers of the measure? This is pure invention. It is an invented fact, whereon to build a fallacious argument.-But, we are told here, that the high prices arose

of labour, keep of horses, repair of wag-
gons, cost of seed, and rent to the land-
lord. Now, how fallacious is this! Is
not the corn which the horses eat,
and which is sown for seed cheap, if
corn be cheap at market? Are not the
wages of labourers, the prices of wheel-
wrights, and the rent of land cheap, if
the corn be cheap at market? Why, then,
should not the English farmer be as able
to grow cheap corn as dear corn? And
what becomes of all the terrific statement
about dependence upon foreign nations,
about the extortioning of the foreign far-
mer, about scarcity, about the ruin of
the labourer, and the like? Is it not no-
torious, that wheat used to be 5s. a
bushel in England? Nay, is it not noto-
rious, that it used to be 2s. a bushel?
How did the farmer live in those days?
Was the labourer starved in those days?
On the contrary, is it not notorious, that
the paupers have increased with the high
prices? Will any man have the confidence.
to deny this? And if this cannot be de-
nied, what reason is there to be alarmed
at the prospect of continued cheapness?
What reason is there to suppose, that the
farmer will be unable to raise cheap corn,
seeing that his labourers, his smith, his
wheelwright, his collar-maker, his seed,
his rent, will all keep pace with the price
of his corn? If these items amount to a
hundred pounds a year when wheat is 40s,
a quarter, and to two hundred pounds a
year when wheat is 80s. a quarter, is not

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the farmer as able to raise the forty shil- you are laudably enthusiastic. But the ling wheat as the eighty shilling wheat? real tendency of your exertions is to proHow came this writer to be so indiscreet tect and promote the taxing system, and as to mention horse feed and seed amongst thereby to enable the Government to keep the outgoings of the farmer? These must up, during peace, a standing army and all be at a low price, if his market corn is at those means of patronage, heretofore una low price. They consist of the same known in England, and the keeping up sort of corn that he has to sell. How, of which tends to the total extinguishment in the name of common sense, then, should of even the great country gentlemen, the he have to complain of the amount of little ones having all been swallowed up these outgoings, and, at the same time, long ago.--Stand here, I pray you, and complain of the cheapness of his, corn? reflect before you proceed another inch. But, the truth is, that the absurdity of -You perceive clearly, that the writer, these positions arises from a very ma- whom I have quoted, under pretence of terial omission in the enumeration of the protecting the farmer and promoting agrifarmer's outgoings; to wit; the TAXES ! culture, aims at loeping up the taxes, that which, direct and indirect, amount to is to say, an immense military establishmore, aye, to double as much, as his la- ment and patronage, which it is your inbour, horse feed, seed, implements, and terest, and the farmer's interest, and the rent, all put together. The direct taxes country's interest, to see reduced to noare upon his land, his property, his horses, thing, seeing, that we now want no his house, his windows, his gig, his dogs, standing army any more than our forehis man servant, and to these must be fathers did.I have read a long letter added his poor rates. He pays about 17s. of Mr. WESTERN to shew, that it is just -a bushel tax out of every 20s. which he and necessary to pass a Bill to protect the lays out in salt; and, in a large farm farmer. The reasonings of that very able house, the salt tax amounts to about 107. letter are unanswerable, if we admit, that a year. He pays more in tax upon malt the taxing system must remain in full vithan his barley, of which the malt is made, gour, which the author seems to admit, amounts to. He pays a tax upon the and which I wonder that he should have soap and candles, and tea and sugar and admitted. It is clearly shewn, that the wine and spirits used in his house. He English farmer will not grow corn, unless pays a tax on the leather and iron used in he is put upon as good a footing, at least, his implements and, his harness. And, as the French farmer. But, then, it is be it observed and remembered, that he not shewn, that this cannot be accompays a tax upon the beer, the gin, the tea, plished without a Corn Bill; and yet, the sugar, the salt, the soap, the candles, this ought to be shewn, and clearly shewn, the shoes, the tobacco, used by his la- by those, who, in open hostility to the bourers. For every quart of beer drank common feeling of mankind, propose such by the ploughman, at a public house, the a measure. The farmer, and the profarmer pays about 4d in tax. The brewer sperity of agriculture, do not depend upon and malster first pay it; the publican | the price of corn alone: there are the pays it to them; the labourer pays it to hides, the skins, the wool, and the flax, the publican; the farmer pays it to the All very great articles of produce. These labourer; and, as the farmer must be re-are, in great part, wrought into articles of paid, he must, of course, charge it in dress by our manufacturers, and thus they the price of the next corn that he sells. are exported. Make the corn dear; make fere, then, is the real cause of the the food of the manufacturer twice as dear necessity of high prices. It is the GO-as the food of the manufacturer in France, VERNMENT, and not the FARMER, who stands in need of high priced corn. -Oh! ye Cokes and Westerns, be not; be not, I pray and supplicate you, made the tools of the taxing system! I know well that neither of you wish for high prices in order to increase, or keep up your own incomes. Your wish is to protect, to secure the well-being of, a description of persons, as to whose pursuits

America, and elsewhere, and who will purchase the dear manufactures ?-But, take away the taxes that support the army, the ordnance, a great part of the navy; abolish the new military schools and all their enormous expences; return again to cheap and peaceful government ; lay aside the bayonet and the broadsword, and be content with the oldfashioned sheriff's wand and constable's

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