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inhabited by Indian tribes. Whatever may be the relations of Indians to the nation in whose territory they are thus acknowledged to reside, they cannot be considered as an independent power by the nation which has made such acknowledgement. That the territory of which Great Britain now wishes to dispose is within the dominions of the United States, was solemnly acknowledged by herself, in the Treaty of Peace of 1783, which established their boundaries, and by which she relinquished all claims to the government, proprietory and territorial rights, within those boundaries. No condition respecting the Indians residing therein was inserted in that Treaty. No stipulation similar to that now proposed is to be found in any treaty made by Great Britain, or within the knowledge of the undersigned by any other nation. The Indian tribes for which Great Britain propose now to stipulate, have themselves acknowledged this principle. By the Grenville Treaty of 1795, to which the British Plenipotentiaries have alluded, It is expressly stipulated, and the condition has been confirmed by every subsequent Treaty, so late as the year 1810" That the Indian tribes shall quietly enjoy their lands, hunting, planting, and dwellings thereon, so long as they please, without any molestation from the United States; but that when those tribes, or any of them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, they are to be sold only to the United States: that until such sale, the United States will protect all the said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoyment of their lands against all citizens of the United States, and against all other white persons who intrude on the same; and that the said Indian tribes again acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the said United States, and of no other power whatever." That there is no reciprocity in the proposed stipulation is evident. In prohibiting Great Britain and the United States from purchasing lands within a part of the dominions of the latter power, while it professes to take from Great Britain a privilege which she had not, it actually deprives the United States of a right exclusively belonging to them. The proposition is also utterly unnecessary for the purpose of obtaining a pacification for the Indians residing within the territories of the United States. The undersigned have already had the honour of informing the British Plenipotentiaries that, under the system of liberal policy adopted by the United States in their relations with the Indians within their territories, an uninterrupted peace had subsisted from the year 1795, not only between the United States and all those tribes, but also amongs those tribes themselves, for a longer period of time than ever had been known since the first settlement of North America. Against those Indians the United States have neither interest ner inclination

to continue the war. They have nothing to ask of them but peace. Commissioners on their part have been appointed to conclude it, and an armistice was actually made last Autumn with most of those tribes. The British Government may again have induced suure of them to take their side in the war, but peace with them will necessarily follow immediately a peace with Great Britain. To a provisional article similar to what has been stipulated in some former treaties, engaging that each party will treat for the Indians within its territories, include them in the peace, and use its best endeavours to prevent them from committing hostilities against the citizens or subjects of the other party, the undersigned might assent, and rely on the approbation and ratification of their Government. They would also, for the purpose of securing the duration of peace, and to prevent collisions which might interrapt it, propose a stipulation which should preclude the subjects or citizens of each nation respectively, from trading with the Indians residing in the territory of the other. But to surrender both the rights of sovereignty and of soil over nearly one-third of the territorial dominions of the United States to a number of Indians not probably exceeding 20,000, the undersigned are so far from being instructed or authorized, that they assure the British Commissioners, that any arrangement for that purpose would be instanta neously rejected by their Government. Not only has this extraordinary demand been made a sine qua non, to be admitted without a discussion, and as a preliminary basis, but it is accompanied by others equally inadmissible, which the British Plenipotentiaries state to be so connected with it, that they may reasonably influence the decision of the undersigned upon it, yet learing them uninformed how far these other demands may also be insisted on as indispensible conditions of a peace. As little are the undersigned instructed or empowered to accede to the propositions of the British Government, in relation to the military occupation of the Western Lakes. If they have found the proposed interference of Great Britain in the concerns of Indians residing within the United States utterly incompatible with any established maxim of public law, they are no less at a loss to discover by what rule of perfect reciprocity the United States can be required to renounce their equal right of maintaining a naval force upon those Lakes, and of fortifying their own shores, while Great Britain reserves exclusively the corresponding rights to herself. That in point of military preparation Great Britain, in her possessions in North America, ever has been in a condition to be termed, with propriety, the weaker power, in comparison with the United States, the undersigned believe to be incorrect in point of fact. In regard to the fortification of

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abandon territory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a foreign interference in their domestic concerus, and to cease to exe.cise their natural rights on their own shores and, in their own waters.

the shores, and to the forces actually kept on foot upon those frontiers, they believe the superiority to have always been on the side of Great Britain. If by the proposal to dismantle the forts upon her shores, strike for ever her military flag upon her lakes, and lay her whole frontier defenceless in the presence of her armed and fortified neighbour, had proceeded not from Great Britain to the United States, but from the United States to Great Britain, the undersigned may safely appeal to the bosoms of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries for the feelings with which, not only in regard to the interests, but the honour of their nation, they would have received such a proposal. What would Great Britain herself say, it, in relation to another frontier, where she has the acknowledged superiority of strength, it were proposed that she should be reduced to a condition even of equality within the war. She wishes for peace; but she wishes for the United States. The undersigned further perceive, that under the alledged purpose of opening a direct communication between two of the British provinces in America, the British Government require a cession of territory forming a part of one of the States of the American Union, and that

A treaty concluded on sach terms would be but an armistice. It cannot be supposed that America would long submit to condicions so injurious' and degrading. It is impossible, in the natural course of events, that she should not, at the first favourable upportunity, recur to arms for the recovery of her terri- * tory, of her rights, of her honour. Instead of settling existing differences, such a peace would only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of a permanent hatred, and lay the foundation of hostilities for an indefinite period. Essentially pachic froni her political institutions, from the habits of her citizens, froma her physical situation, America reluctantly engaged

it upon those terms of reciprocity, honourable to both countries, which can alone render it permanent.' The causes of the war between the United States and Great Britain having disappeared by the maritime pacification of Europe, the government of the United States does not desire to continue it, în dethey propose, without purpose specifically alledged, tence of abstract principles which have, for the pre-' to draw the boundary-line westward, not from sent, ceased to have any practical effect. The under-' the Lake of the Woods, as it now is, but from signed have been accordingly instructed to agree to Lake Superior. It must be perfectly immaterial its termination, both parties restoring whatever terto the United States, whether the object of the Bri-ritory they may have taken, and both reserving all tish Government, in demanding the dismember- their rights, in relation to their respective seamen. ment of the United States is to acquire territory, To make the peace between the two nations solid as such, or for purposes less table, in the eyes of and permanent, the undersigued were also instructthe world, to be ascribed to the desire of aggran-ed and have been prepared to enter into the ami-' disement. Whatever the motive may be, cable discussion of all those points on which differ-' and with whatever consistency views of conquest ences or uncertainty had existed, and which might may be disclaimed while demanding for herself, hereafter tend in any degree whatever to interrupt or for the Indians, a cession of territory more exten- the harmony of the two countries, without, however sive than the whole island of Great Britain, the making the conclusion of the peace at all depend duty marked out for the undersigned is the same. upon a successful result of the discussion. It is, with They have no authority to cede any part of the ter- | deep_regret, that the undersigned have seen that ritory of the United States, and to no stipulation other views are entertained by the British Governto that effect will they subscribe. The conditions ment, and that new and unexpected pretensions are raised, which, if persisted in, must oppose an proposed by Great Britain have no relation to the subsisting differences between the two countries: insuperable obstacle to a pacification. It is not nethey are inconsistent with acknowledged principles cessary to refer such demands to the American Go of public law: they are founded neither on recipro- vernment for its instruction; they will only be a fit city nor on any of the usual bases of negotiation. subject of deliberation, when it becomes necessary neither on that of the uti possidetis, or the status ante to decide upon the expediency of an absolute surbellum: they would inflict the most vital injury on the render of National Independence. The undersigned United States, by dismembering the territory, by request the British Plenipotentiaries to accept the assurance of their high consideration. JOHN QUINarresting their natural growth and increase of poCEY ADAMS, JAMES A. BAYARD, JONATHAN RUS pulation, and by leaving their northern and western frontier equally exposed to British invasion and to SELL, H. CLAY, A. GALLATIN. Indian aggression; they are above all dishonourable to the United States, in demanding from them to

(To be continued.)

·Printed and Published by G. HouSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 7.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 18, 1815.

193]

SIERRA LEONE.

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"awefully pending state of the abolition, imperiously demand from me some efSEVERAL years ago I endeavoured to "fort at this moment. Private exertion draw the attention of the public to the "I have exhausted; from high authority proceedings of the Sierra Leone Compa-"I am personally excluded; therefore to ny, of which Mr. WILBERFORCE was public appeal I am driven. It is the the protector, patron, and chief.-I en- only means by which I can fulfil my deavoured, but in vain, to make the pub-" duty to the King, my attention to the lic perceive, that the whole thing was a colony, over which I judicially preside, deception, originating in folly, or in a de-" and manifest my zeal for the civiliza sire to gain popularity. I have now be❝tion of Africa, and the abolition of the fore me a pamphlet, written by Mr. "slave trade.-I shall commence with a THORPE, Chief Justice of the Colony, "review of what has been done from the which proves, in the clearest manner, "establishment of the Sierra Leone Comthat my opinion of this thing was per- pany;* whose avowed objects were to fectly correct. The author, in the form encourage trade with the west coast of a LETTER, addresses himself to Mr."of Africa; to promote cultivation, adWILBERFORCE; and from this Letter "vance civilization, diffuse morality, I shall make two extracts, which I dare" and induce some attention to a pure say, will be sufficient to convince the reader, that this specious project has wholly failed in its pretended object, and that it was very foolish, to say the least of it, to squander the public money on such an undertaking.

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First Extract.

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"system of religion in Africa;' as also, "not to suffer their servants to have the "slightest connection with the slave

trade; neither to buy, sell, or employ any one in a state of slavery; and to 'repress the traffic as far as their influ

ence would extend.' This was a wise "The unbounded benevolence and un- "and truly beneficent plan, promising "paralleled philanthrophy attributed to "wealth to England, and happiness to "you, I am confident will induce you to ex- "Africa; but I have enquired, and found cuse this hasty and unornamented epis- "that no part of it was ever carried into tle; but my continuance in England "effect.-The Company obtained, in a "being very uncertain, I am impelled "very short time, a superabundance of precipitately to commit myself to you" land, finely situated, and well circum"and to the public.-You have been for "stanced, on the Sierra Leone river, † in "above twenty years considered the pa-" exchange for a few insignificant articles "tron of Sierra Leone, and you are de"of merchandise; they collected together "signated the Father of the Abolition.'" from London, Halifax, and Jamaica, "The effect of my exertions for that co- near two thousand settlers at very little "lony, and the spirit of my decisions in expense; they had zealous and affluent "support of the abolition, I hope will" supporters in England; they had un"prove, that I have been as sincere a prejudiced and tractable (though un"friend to the one, and practically as "enlightened) natives to negociate with; "beneficial a promoter of the other, as "and they had near two hundred and "any unassuming individual. Thus fifty thousand pounds capital; yet

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*Vide their Report for 1794, printed by Philips George-yard, Lombard-street.

* embarked, I should consider it a dere"liction of principle, and a proof of in"sensibility, to neglect exerting myself "at all times in this great cause; but "the calamitous accounts I have recent- ↑ Falconbridge's Account, 1792; also the Agree "ly received from Sierra Leone, and thement with King Naimbana and the Company.

G

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"they very quickly made the natives" few months, and a missionary for a 61 suspicious, the settlers discontented,* "few years; but they had Methodist "their best servants were obliged to seek "teachers and preachers in abundance; "establishments under the native chiefs," the benefits derived from their precepts and although they had a monopoly of" may be imagined, from the missionary "the trade, and their will was the regu- assuring me on his leaving the colony "lation of profit, they sunk almost to "in 1812, relinquishing his house and bankruptcy, from causes enveloped in "3501. per annum, that he could do no mystery, and applied to Government" " 'good there, as the inhabitants were "for support and protection. To the "too far sunk in sin and immorality, Nova Scotia settlers they promised. ""that he would remove to the Boollain "land for cultivation; twenty acres for "shore, try new ground, and endeavour "each man ;§ ten for his wife; and five "to instruct the natives, improve their "for each child; but this promise they "condition in this life, and prepare never fulfilled: || no man was allowed "them with a knowledge of, and conabove a fifth of the land to which he "duct for, the world to come.' Lastly, "was entitled; and implements to culti-" their servants constantly purchased the "vate even such a portion, were difficult" natives, tworked them themselves with"to find, and too expensive to procure. "out pay, and hired them to others for "The settlers could not raise in the co- pay; suffered slaves to be brought in lony even rice and yams for subsistence;" and taken out of the colony; allowed "their very existence depended on a sup"them to be seized and delivered to their ply from the neighbouring rivers. Had "masters when they sought protection; "land been granted at the commence- permitted their storekeeper to supply ment to the settlers as promised; had" the slave factories, slave ships, and to they been enabled to cultivate and "feed the trade in every possible way. "raise provisions for consumption and "Even in Mr. Ludlam's last administra"barter, they would soon have render- "tion of the government, two cargoes ed themselves independent of, and less "of slaves, taken from the Americans, "profitable to the Company; whose "were publicly sold at twenty dollars a "storekeeper purchased provisions from "head. So much for their efforts to "the natives, paid for them in merchan-" repress the slave trade, of which they * dise, and sold them to the settlers; "had professed such an abhorrence, this might have produced little profit," and which the act of parliament for "but it secured great control. Even the 'incorporating the company forbade "plants indigenous to the soil remained" them to pursue. Is it possible the di"uncultivated. Cotton, coffee, indigo, rectors did not know, hear, or believe, "tobacco, &c. &c. were conspicuous; this, or any part of it? If disappro "but it was in all the wildness of nature. "bation had attached to such conduct, "Such were their efforts to promote cul- "is it probable they would continue in "tivation. In civilization they proceed-" their confidence, after they had heard "ed so far as to send two persons to "Teembo,** (a few days walk from Sier"ra Leone) and educated half a dozen "African boys in England sufficiently for" common clerkships in the colony."As to religion and morality, they had a "Church of England clergyman for a

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Appendix, No. I.

+ Some of them returned to the colony after the Abolition act passed, and reside there at present. Vide Parliamentary grants.

§ Lieutenant Clarkson, who signed the agreement. Settlers remonstrated in vain, then ensued an insurrection.

Falconbridge's Account, p. 189. ** Vide Company's Report.

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"of it, the persons who managed their "concerns? Or did they imagine by trumpeting their abhorrence of this diabolical traffic, fulminating against every person implicated in it, and blazoning the virtues of those who seemed "anxious to exterminate it, that they "would prevent those transactions from being divulged; or if revealed, that

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"they could induce this nation to dis-"ged with him near ten years before

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your accession; yet you are now held up to this enlightened age, and would

tivated, and civilized Africa! Be it as "it may I have examined already the means adopted to effect some of those "praise-worthy objects, and how far they have succeeded; now I shall pro"ceed to shew, how little your theory "extended to pure abolition, and that,

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'credit any authority that might dare" to give them utterance? The Omni-" scient will know and judge; impotent" be handed down to posterity, as the humanity may conjecture! After six- "parent that generated the abolition of "slavery, emancipated, enlightened, cal"teen years experiment, trade having failed; cultivation being retarded; civilization unattempted; religion and morality debased; and the slave trade nourished; every plan defeated, every artifice exposed; the Company, desirous of relieving themselves from the enormous expense, prevailed on Gopractically, you have not been in the "vernment to accept a surrender of the "slightest degree successful. That you colony, and formed (to uphold their "most laudably assisted Sir William old influence) a society called the Afri"can Institution; having taken leave of "Dobbin, and others, in procuring Bills to be passed for meliorating the condithe expense, they demanded to be paid "tion of slaves in their Transatlantic "for their buildings, and did accordingly passage, I delight in acknowledging; "receive a large sum from the treasury,† "but when I behold you for near twen"although they had before obtained (by "pleading poverty) one hundred thou-" ty years professedly struggling with the "great and all-commanding minister of "sand pounds from Government for the "improvement of the colony: their books" this country; whose administration of "this government you admired, and to "whose private friendship you were de"voted; it is wonderful this benevolent

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"and agents were removed; while many of the poor settlers who had toiled for "them for years were left unpaid. The "case of some of these old, impoverish"ed, and destitute people, I represented "before the chairman of the Sierra Le"one Company, in a committee of the "African Institution; but no redress was "offered: I simply requested that all "their demands might be referred to "arbitration in the colony; and even this "was not complied with."

Second Extract.

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measure was not carried. You knew "Mr. Pitt was all powerful with his par

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ty, and the sole director of his admi"nistration: you had a commanding, "connected phalanx of friends in Par"liament; and on this occasion, you had "the people's support,and the finest feelings of the nation to gratify; yet for twenty years you did not carry this Bill; though you apparently acted with "such a commanding associate. It is " evident you never did make it a "sine qua non" of the continuance of your support of Mr. Pitt's Administration: the speaking on it, for it, and about it, "was "ad captandum vulgus:" it served "to uphold the pendulum in its vacil"lancy between the minister and the peo

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"I have now, Sir, arrived at the time for addressing you as the Father of the Abolition. I presume, by accepting the ap"pellation, you hold yourself thereto enti« "tied; yet, 'tis passing strange; for "Mr. Clarkson, (whose active humanity, " indefatigable industry, in the cause of " abolition, can never be sufficiently appreciated or applauded,) was certainly engaged in this great cause near twenty years before he enlisted you under« "his banners. The invaluable and ever "to be regretted Mr. Granville Sharpe, "was nearly fifteen years in the cause of "injured Africa, before you joined his "amiable band of philanthropists. Many "other worthy personages, whom Mr. "Clarkson's History records, were enga

Transferred 1st January, 1808.
#Vide public account, 1808,

ple. But what is still more wonderful, a new Administration was formed, to "the members of which you were not the devoted friend; of whose measures you were not an unshaken admirer; who were not in themselves all commanding in Parliament; yet by those very men, without hesitation, or delay,

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"this Bill was carried in both Lords "and Commons. Did you ever tell Mr.

Fox, or Lords Grey and Grenville, "that the justice, policy, and humanity "of the abolition were so impressed on "your conviction, that you could not

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