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they cannot sell their corn cheap? Corn
has not risen in price more than the oak
tree, the deal board, or the tallow can-
dle, and till it can be proved that the
increased price of these articles is owing
to the luxuriant living of the timber mer-
chant, the carpenter, and the tallow
chandler, the advance in the price of
corn cannot be attributed to the extrava-shaking and gnashing of teeth.
gant living of the farmer. But, Sir, I
deny the fact that the generality of the
farmers, or their wives and daughters,
are what Aristides has described them
to be; or that their situation is improved
by an increase of either their luxuries or
comforts. More than a century ago that
facetious poet Pryor described the situa-
tion of farmers (not as living on ox cheek
or beef legs but) as living hospitably, and
being surrounded with plenty:

this convenience is looked for in vain.
It is replaced, in some instances, with
the humblest buggy, but more frequently
with the taxed cart; and the appearance
of the farmer now, when compared with
his grand-father, is that of a pauper being
passed home to his parish; he now rides
to market or to worship, gingling and

Large oxen in the field were lowing,

Good grain was sown, good fruit was growing;
Of last year's corn in barns good store,
Fat turkies gobbling at the door;
How strong the beer, how good the meat,
How loud they laugh'd, how much they eat.

man.

But why are these comforts fled? It cannot be unknown to Aristides, that they are laid aside to answer the demands of the tax-gatherer, who threatens to swallow up all our comforts, and deprive us of all our conveniences, to enrich those who are partakers and dividers of the spoil. I am told that farmers drink, and get drunk too. So does the parson, the lawyer, the senator, and the statesBut are we, on that account, to accuse the whole of those classes with this nauseous vice, and charge them with all the mischief and calamity that awaits this once happy country? Such a mode of reasoning would be accounted illiberal and inconclusive. It must be equally so if the whole body of farmers are to be judged by the indiscretion of a few fops and sots. It should also be taken into eonsideration, Who have turned farmers? It must be allowed, before the character of the English farmer is truly appreciated, that all retired merchants, military gentlemen out of employ, disappointed and unsuccessful speculators, with the rem nants of their broken fortunes, must be struck from the list; then I may safely aver that the farmers of England have not abated one jot or tittle in the habits of industry, economy, or frugality, or increased in luxuries. It must likewise be granted, that farmers of enterprise, who have made large fortunes, cannot be considered a fair sample of the generality of farmers. If they have got too rich by turning the desert into a garden, tho' they may in common with other successful classes of society, live luxuriantly, I cannot see how they have made corn dear by growing abundance where none grew before. It is a fact universally admitted, that where several farms have been laid together, cultivation has improved and the quantum of corn much increased; a sufficient proof that this cannot contribute to raise the price of corn.

Many other authorities might be quoted within the compass of a farmer's reading, to prove their situation to have been that of plenty and comfort, and that they could entertain their friends with true hospitality; nay even jovially, without incurring the reproach of making corn dear. Who can enter a farm house in the present day, without seeing in the corner cupboard the punch bowl of his grand-father, which, when in his possession was often replenished to welcome the coming guest and cheer the weary traveller; but is now only an article of old china to be wiped of its dust, and set up as an ornament of ancient times. The untaxed ale, which cheered the countenance, and made glad the heart of man, is now no more. It, alas! is obliged to give way to a thinner liquor, more endangering the visitor with the gripes than the gout. Leaving, however, the description of the poets, and calling in aid personal recollection, I could state instances of farmer's keepingcomfortable carriages, principally employed for carrying their families to worship, giving them a jaunt to the market, or conveying them to a family party at christmas; but tho' I am now acquainted with a hundred times as many farmers as I was then,

Having combated these false notions of your correspondent, and others of like

opinion, may I be allowed to state what I conceive to be the real cause of creating a necessity for making corn dear. It must be attributed by every considerate mind to increased rents and overwhelm-back to the enjoyment of the blessings ing taxation. All our political economists have ascribed the progressive rise in the various articles of life to these causes; but there is no occasion for quotations; we can cast a sum in addition or subtraetion: multiplication is brought to our recollection by a increase of evils; and the result of our little arithmetic may be solved by a simple question in the rule of three: If an advance in rent and taxes has increased our expences fourfold, what price must corn be at to enable us to hold our farms and retain our situations? The answer is obvious. It is also clear, that if a large abatement of rent cannot be obtained, a considerable diminution of taxation, and a total riddance of the tythe system, so monstrous, so oppressive and vexatious, there will be no alternative but emigration or a jail. It is equally evident, that there are not only one but many countries where, in mercy to mankind, tythes are abo lished, rents one fourth of the rents of England, taxes comparatively none; and altho' it is our wish and our pleasure to aise corn in abundance, and sell it cheap to the good people of England, we cannot perform impossibilities. If we are taxed and teazed out and obliged to abandon our native soil, we must cross the channel in such numbers that it might puz-voted friend and servant. zle a long headed chancellor to raise his révenues from those who remain. The landlords also will find it difficult to obtain tenants for their farms. As to the Corn Bill now proceeding in Parliament, and which excites such dreadful agitation, I am free to declare that a large portion of farmers do not wish it to pass, because they consider it to be instrumental in advancing the price of their labour, keeping up rents, and perpetuating taxes, which ought to be repealed. They are truly alarmed at a peace establishment of nineteen millions a year, and believe with you, Sir, that there is no necessity for such an expenditure; that this excessive taxation is the rich pasture on which corruption feeds, fattons and grows insolent. Why then inflame the public mind against the farmer? Why not, to use a farmer's expression, lay the saddle on the right horse? Rather

let the pen of Aristides be directed against the common enemy taxation and corruption, those co-partners in mischief and misery. Then may we be brought

of our ancient constitution and the constable's staff, instead of a large military force, and an embroidered militia in time of peace. While economy and retrenchment are recommended to the farmer, we will kindly return the good advice, and recommend it to government also as the only efficient remedy for our aggravated evils. Yes, while we are curtailing comfort after comfort, convenience after convenience, we advise those above us to share in the like privations; and while our laborers are bearing with patience a reduction of 2d. or 3d. in the shilling, on account of the reduced price of provisions, let us demand also that the servants of the state should be reduced in the same rate. I could easily point out what a load of taxation the good people of England might be relieved of from this just and well-founded claim being adopted, from the prince on the throne thro' every department of the state and every servant in office; but I shall leave this to abler pens, and as my chief object was to defend the farmers from those ill-founded and precipitate charges of extravagance and luxury which have been brought against them, arising no doubt from gross misconception, I shall conclude with subscribing myself their de

America Triumphant.

R. F.

THOSE vile slaves of corruption, what now will
they say,

Who assur❜d us, the Yankees would all run away,
Soon as ever they came within sight of our men,
And that England would make them her subjects
again.

One would think, they believed these American

elves,

Were compos'd of such dastardly stuff as themselves.
They forgot, that their bosoms beat high in the

cause

Of true LIBERTY, JUSTICE, RELIGION, and LAWS,
And that one common spirit pervaded the land,
To resist the Aggressions, Injustice had plann'd.
Alas! had our Rulers wise measures observ'd,
Had they ne'er from a just line of policy swerv'd;

Had they treated as men, whom they treated with canal on which they had effected their

scorn;

The beams of our glory had never been shorn;
We should never have suffered disgrace or defeat,
Nor from those we despis'd been oblig'd to retreat.
From what height of power has England been
hurl'd,

By th' example these Yankees have shewn to the
world;

What a blow to our greatness, how humbled our pride,

disembarkation. In my encampment every thing was ready for action, when, early on the morning of the 8th, the enemy, after throwing a heavy shower of bombs and Congreve rockets, advanced their columns on my right and left, to storm my entrenchments. I cannot speak sufficiently in praise of the firmness and deliberation with which my whole line received their approach-more could not be expected from veterans inured to war. For an hour the fire of the small arms was incessant and severe as can be imagined.

To be beaten by those we so often defied;
The trident of Neptune, our glory and boast,
By injustice, and weakness, for ever is lost.
Could our forefathers know, could they rise from The artillery, too, directed by officers

their graves,

And behold that their sons can submit to be

slaves; That the country,

shed,

for which so much blood has been

Is now govern'd by those whom Corruption has

bred;

With what feelings indignant their bosoms would glow,

With what grief they would see we were fallen so low.

who displayed equal skill and courage, did great execution. Yet the columns of the enemy continued to advance with a firmness which reflects upon them the greatest credit. Twice the column which approached me on my left was repulsed, by the troops of General Carroll, those of Gen. Coffee, and a division of Kentucky militia, and twice they formed again and renewed the assault. At length, however, cut to pieces, they fled in confusion from the field, leaving it covered with their dead and wounded. The loss which the enemy sustained on this occasion, cannot be estimated at less than 1500 in killed, wounded and prisoners. Upwards of 300 have already been delivered over for burial; and my men are still engaged in picking them up within my lines and carrying them to the point where the enemy are to receive them. This is in addition to the dead and wounded whom have been enabled to carry the enemy from the field during and since the action, and to those who have since died of the wounds they received. We have taken about 500 prisoners, upwards of 300 of whom are wounded, and a great General Jackson's Account of the Ope- exceeded and I believe has not amountpart of them mortally. My loss has not

And are we so fallen, so regardless of shame,
As to tamely submit to the loss of our fame?
Is the spirit of Britons become so depress'd?
Are those sentiments lost, our forefathers possess'd?
Shall we never awake, 'till our ruin is seal'd?
Can the wounds of our Country never be heal'd?
Oh! let us avert, whilst we're able, the storm,
And abolish Corruption, by peaceful REFORM;
Let the voice of the people be rais'd through the

land,

And our Rulers must grant what we firmly demand;
Let us tell them the Rights that to Britons are due,
That the Many no more will be slaves to the Few.

AMERICAN DOCUMENTS.

rations at New Orleans.

Copy of a Letter from Major-General Jackson to the Secretary of War dated Camp, four miles below Orleans, 9th

Jan. 1815.

ed to 70 killed and as many wounded. The entire destruction of the enemy's army was now inevitable, bad it not been for an unfortunate occurrence which at this moment took place on the other side of the river. Simultaneously with his advance upon my lines he had thrown STR-During the days of the 6th, and over in his boats a force to the other 7th, the enemy had been actively employ-side of the river. These having landed, ed in making preparations for an attack on my lines. With infinite labour they had succeeded, on the night of the 7th, in getting their boats across the lake to the river by widening and deepening the

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were hardy enough to advance against the works of Gen. Morgan; and, what. is strange and difficult to account for, at the very moment when their entire disomfiture was looked for with a confi

Jackson, to the Secretary of War, dated Head-quarters, 7th Military district.

Camp, 4 miles below N. Orlean, 19th

Jan. 1815.

dence approaching to a certainty, the, Copy of a Letter from Major-General Kentucky reinforcements, in whom so much reliance had been placed, ingloriously fled, drawing after them, by their example, the remainder of the forces; and thus yielded to the enemy that most fortunate position. The batteries, which had rendered me for many days Last night, at twelve o'clock, the the most important service, though enemy precipitately decamped and rebravely defended, were of course now turned to his boats, leaving behind aim, abandoned; not however until the guns under medical attendance, eighty of his had been spiked. This unfortunate wounded, including two officers, fourroute had totally changed the aspect of teen pieces of his heavy artillery, and affairs. The enemy now occupied a po- a quantity of shot, having destroyed sition from which they might annoy us much of his powder. Such was the siwithout hazard, and by means of which tuation of the ground which he abanthey might have been able to defeat, doned, and of that through which he rein a great measure, the effects of our tired, protected by canals, redoubts, ensuccess on this side of the river. It trenchments, and swamps on his right, tecime therefore an object of the first and the river on his left, that I could consequence to dislodge him as soon as not, without encountering a risk, which possible. For this object, all the means in true policy did not seem to require, or my power, which I could with any safety to authorize, attempt to annoy him much use, were immediately put in preparation. in his retreat. We took only eight priPerhaps, however, it was owing some- soners. Whether it is the purpose of the what to another cause that I succeeded enemy to abandon the expedition altoeven beyond my expectations. In nego-gether, or renew his efforts at some other ciating the terms of a temporary suspen-points, I do not pretend to determine sion of hostilities to enable the enemy to with positiveness. In my own mind, bury their deed and provide for their wounded, I had required certain propositions to be acceeded to as a basis; among which this was one-that although hostilities should cease on this side of the river until 12 o'clock of this day, yet it is not to be understood that they should cease on the other side; but that no reinforcements should be sent across by either army until the expiration of that day. His Excellency MajorGeneral Lambert begged time to consider of those propositions until 10 o'clock of to-day, and in the mean time re-crossed his troops. I need not tell you with how much eagerness 1 immediately regained possession of the position he had thus hastily quitted. The enemy having concentrated his forces, may again at tempt to drive me from my position by storm. Whenever he does, I have no doubt my men will act with their usual firmness, and sustain a character now become dear to them. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant,

ANDREW JACKSON, Major-General Commanding. Hon. James Monroe Secretary of War.

however, there is but little doubt that his last exertions have been made in this quarter, at any rate for the present season, and by the next I hope we shall be fully prepared for him. In this belief I am strengthened not only by the prodigious loss he has sustained at the position he has just quitted, but by the failure of his fleet to pass Fort St. Philip. His loss on this ground, since the debarkation of his troops as stated by all the last prisoners and deserters, and as confirmed by many additional circumstances, must have exceeded 4000; and was greater in the action of the 8th than was estimated,, from the most correct data then in his possession, by the Inspector General, whose report has been forwarded to you. We succeeded, on the 8th, in getting from the enemy about 1000 stand of arms, of various descriptions. Since the action of the 8th, the enemy have been allowed very little respite-my artillery from both sides of the river being constantly employed, till the night, and indeed until the hour of their retreat, in annoying them. No doubt they thought it quite time to quit a position in which so little rest could be found. I am advised by Major Over

the Right Honourable James Lord Gambier late Admiral of the White, now Admiral of the Red Squadron of his Majesty's Fleet, Henry Goulburn, Esquire, a Member of the Imperial Parliament, and Under Secretary of State, and William Adams, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Laws:-And the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, has appointed John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, Citizens of the United States, who after a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following Articles: Article 1. That there shall be a firm

ton, who commands at Fort St. Philips, in a letter of the 18th, that the enemy having bombarded his fort, for eight or nine days, from 13 inch mortars without effect, had, on the morning of that day retired. I have little doubt that he would have been able to have sunk their vessels had they attempted to run by. I have the honour to be, &c. ANDREW JACKSON, Major-Gen. Com. P. S. On the 18th our prisoners on shore were delivered to us, an exchange having been previously agreed to. Those who are on board the fleet will be delivered at Petit Coquille-after which I shall still have in my hands, an excess of several hundred. 20th-Mr. Shields, Parser in the Na-and universal Peace between his Britanvy, has to-day, taken 54 prisoners, among them are for officers.

A. J.

Hon. James Monroe, Secretary of War.

TREATY OF PEACE WITH AMERICA.

JAMES MADISON, President of the United States of America, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting-Whereas a treaty of Peace and Amity between the United States of America and his Britannic Majesty, was signed at Ghent, on the 24th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen, by Plenipotentiaries respectively appointed for that purpose; and the said treaty having been, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, duly accepted, ratified and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and ratified copies thereof having been changed agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, which is in the words following to wit;

nic Majesty and the United States, and between their respective countries, terri tories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception, of places or persons. All hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease so soon as this Treaty shall have been ratified by both parties, as hereafter mentioned. All territory, places, and possessions, whatsoever, taken from either party, by the other, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this Treaty, excepting only the Islands hereinafter mentioned, shall be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery or other public property originally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the exchange in the ratifications of this Treaty, or any slaves or other private property. And all archives, records, deeds, and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to private ex-persons, which, in the course of the year, may have fallen into the hands of the Officers of either party, shall be, as far as may be practicable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by both parties shall remain in the possession of the party in whose occupation they may be at the time of the exchange of the Ratification of this Treaty, until the the decision respecting the title to the said islands shall have been made in conformity with the 4th article of this Treaty. No disposition made by this Treaty, as to such possession of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, shall.

Treaty of peace and amity between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America.

His Britanic Majesty and the Uuited States of America, desirous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted between the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, peace, friendship and good understanding between them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respective Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: His Britannic Majesty, on his part, has appointed

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