Belgium to the new king of the Nether- should determine. And, we must ob- I know how some people will stare and blow out their cheeks and snap their mouths at this, as if they were going to bite one's head off: but, you, my Lord, who are a cool, sensible man, are aware, that, if I can offer any solid reasons for this opinion, the opinion ought to have some weight, and that it will have some weight. In order that these reasons may have their fair chance, I must trouble your Lordship with a few preliminary remarks. I know that I am here about to attack your Lordship's darling project; that you will cling to it like the fond parent to an only child: but attack it 1 must, seeing in it, as I do, the cause of endless war, expense and misery. But, you will say, and with very good reason; what is their soreness to us, if it be for our good to keep them out of Belgium? Now, my Lord, I do not say, that it is not desirable to us, that the French should be kept out of Belgium; but, I am convinced, that it would be much better for us that Belgium should return under the sway of France, than that it should belong to a power, which, without our aid, without our constant assistance, never can keep it for any length of time. When Belgium belonged to the House of Austria, then, indeed, there was a power with half a million of soldiers at its command to defend Belgium. This power was unable to defend it ; and, if such a power could not keep it out of the hands of France; if Austria was glad to get rid of the burthen of its defence, how is it to be defended by the King "of theUnited Netherlands," who took the Royal title on him only on the 16th in. stant, and who has been made a King in that Holland, which was before so proud of its Republican institution and liberties. Belgium, we are told, is a barrier against France. A barrier to protect whom, and what? For an answer to this question, I will refer to your memorable Speech, made on the very day on which the Emperor Napoleon entered Paris. Your reporter makes you say, in that speech;- By Belgium I mean all that country, which, it seems, has, by the Congress, been taken from France and given to the new King. It is not all properly so called but, one name is better than three or four, if it answers all our purposes as well. This Belgium, before the French Revolution, belonged to the House of Austria. It was conquered from that House by the brave and in- With respect to Holland, it was evidentsulted Republicans of France, who also "that nothing could be of greater im conquered other countries, not belong- "portance to this country, than that France ing to the House of Austria. By and by, "should not have a continuity of sea-coast peace was made between these powers. "extending along the whole of the NetherAustria confirmed Belgium to France by "lands. He had the satisfaction to say, treaty, and received from France other of" that the Allied Powers on the Continent her conquests in return. This was nearly were not more convinced of the impor twenty years ago. Belgium has belonged "tance of this point to us, than tothemto France from that time to the month of "selves; and therefore ail were agreed May last, when the King of France, by" that the union of the Netherlands with the Treaty of Paris, concluded while the "Holland was one of the most important Russian and German Armies were there," improvements of the face of Europe in gave it up to be disposed of as the Congress" modern times. Neither was it consider 66 86 that no interest was felt so strongly in "this country, as the conservation of the general liberties of Europe.” 66 ed by them as a concession toGreatBri- | "tain, or to the Prince of Orange in par"ticular, but was most cordially listened "to as a means of strenghtening the equi- Such, then, is to be the use of Belgiun ! "librium of Europe. A kingdom would Belgium is to cover the Kingdom of the "thus be formed powerful in all the resour- Netherlands, and the Kingdom of the « ces of scil, commerce,marigation, and mi- Netherlands is to cover the Kingdom of litary strength; and be had the satisfac- Hanover, "which should be very dear "tion of stating that no Sovereign ever "to us!" I will pass over your episode on "resumed the exercise of his functions the Hanoverian Legion and on the cha"who displayed more industry and talent racter of the Prince of Orange, as mat" in calling forth all the resources of Hol- | ters too high for my pen; but, really, I land, and uniting into one, its various cannot refrain from saying, that this parties, than the Prince of Orange had scheme, this darling scheme, which you "done. He hoped that this kingdom seem to think so advantageons to Eng"would be sufficiently strong, both from land, and the account of which seeins to "nature and art, and in future to be able have given so much pleasure to your Ho"to resist any assault either from the nourable Hearers; seems to have wrapt "north or the west, at least until other them in wonder at your surprising skill, pooers came forward to its support. | penetration, and grandeur of views; I "He trusted it would not be supposed cannot refrain from saying, that this that any undue concessions had been scheme appears to me to be one of the made, with the view of obtaining an in- weakest that ever entered the head of Icrease of territory to Hanover. On this mortal man; and, which is a great deal "point there had alwaysbeen some degree worse, fraught with endless calamities to "of jealousy in this country; but he was England, because it must be a source of "rather inclined to think that ilanover continual war and expence. "had generally speaking suffered more e. than she gained from the connection. Its people had recently proved themselves " faithful supporters of Great Britain; and "he would say, that there had not been a * more efficient, more faithful, and honest | "body of men in our service than the "Hanoverian Legion; they amounted to "not less than 12,000 men, to which num« ber they had always been kept up by vo“ luntary enrolment, and it was not too "much to say, that the absence of such a corps might have had a most injurious effect on our military exertions. The "preservation of the importance of Hanover, as a constituent state of Germany, “ should, therefore, be dear to us, as well | "in this point of view, as from its connexion with our reigning family. The "increase of territory she had received, "tended to consolidate her connexion with that, to keep Belgium from France EngBut, what I contend for is. "this country, by the extent of sea coast land must constantly keep on foot a great "which it gave her: while liable to be in- army in the country; rather than which, tercepted from this country, her effi- it is my opinion, that we ought to suffer "ciency was less considerable. From the the French to regain, not only those coun"moment she was also in close contact tries, but all the countries which they "with Holland for an extent of 150 miles, possessed in 1813. I am far from wish"this naturally contributed to strengthening, that they should possess all those and protect her. Neither was this a countries; but it would be preferable to 86 86 46 | 66 66 You say, that this new Kingdom (which by the bye, has not yet actually been organized) will be able to "resist any assault," at least" till other powers can come to its support." So this King, like a Watchman, is, when danger ap proaches, to spring his rattle, and call others in to his assistance! My good Lord! pray keep yourself cool; but, really, such a scheme ! such a scheme was never before thought of in this world. I will not enquire, whether the Belgians, the Dutch, and the Hanoverians would be better off under these arrangements, than if they were under the French; and, I will, for argument's sake, allow, that if Belgium be yielded to the French, the Kingdoms of the Netherlands and of Hanover will soon be blown into very thin air. I connection of which our continental our being involved in continual war. 'allies were at all disposed to feel jea In truth, my Lord, military achievelousy. They were thoroughly convinced I ments have turned our heads. We have gone on from step to step, till, at last, we really seem to conceit ourselves a greater military than we are a naval power. Too many amongst us seem to look with sorΤΟΥ on any thing which shall deprive us of all excuse for keeping up a great army. Never was there seen so much reluctance to lay aside the gorget and the sash. We have fallen into a set of no tions quite foreign from all our former notions. We are military-mad; and, in the midst of the rage, we seem almost to forget the fleet, the defence which reason and nature so clearly point out to us. Continental connexions, against which our forefathers were so anxious to guard, are now really sought after with eager ness; and, indeed, full of the notion that it was wre, who reduced France, we seem to think it necessary, that we should become almost an integral part of the continent. To defend the kingdom of Hanover, we must first defend the King of the Netherlands. To defend the king dom of the Netherlands we must constantly keep a large army on foot in the Netherlands, and more troops ready to go to the assistance of that army. That country must always be filled with troops. in our pay, in peace, or in war. And, is this nation in a state to support such an expense? It is well known to your Lordship, that the rejoicing of the people at the late peace arose chiefly from the hope of their being relieved from the iong-endured buṛdens of the war. It is well known to you, that, even in peace, our resources, without the war taxes are insufficient. It is well known to you, that loans are in contemplation to supply, in part, in peace, the absence of the Property Tax. What, then, is to be the fate of the fund-holder, if a new war is now to be our lot? However, I perceive, and I perceive it with indignation, that there are persons, who are willing to sacrifice even the fundholders, to send them forth to beg, to spread general ruin and misery over the country, rather than not enter into a new war. I have seen the following alarming words, printed in a very conspicuous manner in the COURIER Newspaper of Tuesday last. They are words which every man in England ought to see; and which ought to draw forth the unanimous voice of the people, in a constitutional manner, against entering upon any war, not absolutely necessary to the safety of the country and His Majesty's crown. "In contemplating so great an evil, as "war under any circumstances must be, Ithough it may be a blessing by com"parison, our means of maintaining the Shall I be told, that no peace can be "contest should be considered. And safe which leaves Belgium in the hands "first, the war, independent of its jusof France? You, my Lord, will hardly" tice and necessity, will have the public tell me so, who defended the peace of "voice on its side, even more than in Amiens, which left Belgium in the hands "France it can have. Our naval and of France; nor will the Earl of Liverpool, military men with their connexions, who made that treaty, and who contend- forming nearly as large though not so ed, in its defence, that the extension of "absolute a part of the governing class territory which France had gained had" of society, will meet war with not rendered her more formidable to us. "smiles. Our landed gentry and for Come back, then, to your former doc- "mers will secretly welcome it,as it brought trines disclaim all connexion with a con- "them so much profit before. Our shiptinent where we never can have power ping and commercial interests it will, as without the ruin of this island; and then hitherto, favour, while our navy secures we shall have peace; the fund-holders "us the sovereignty of the seas. Our will be paid; our fleet will still be our "artizans and labourers had their wages bulwark we shall prosper and shall be "raised during the late contest. Even as great as France. our manufactures will prosper, with But, if war is again to be our lot; if we "the Continent of Europe and America are to send out armies to fight amidst the open.-ANNUITANTS will, indeed, fortresses of Belgium; if millions are to "suffer by the progress of taxation: but be expended in the kingdoms of the Ne- "that is the consequence of their taking therlands and of Hanover: if a war with- "themselves out of the circle of activity, out prospect of termination; and almost "of productive wealth, and of national without a clearly defined object is to be" prosperity. In the revolutions of proour lot, whence are the means to come! perty the DRONES OF THE STATE What new sufferings are in store for us? "WILL NATURALLY FALL TO “ THE BOTTOM. The nation has rise to a thousand thoughts in the mind "prospered under a war, and may do so of your Lordship? Do you not see the "again, notwithstanding the predictions rising navy in the mouths of the Sus"of croakers a thousand times falsified. queanah and theHudson?—In short, what "Internally Britain has enjoyed perfect Englishman can look that way without "tranquillity, improvements and riches alarm? It is well known, that our comencreasing in every part. If war then merce and shipping, during the last war, “ be forced upon us, let us weigh the ad - | were supported by the restrictions, which "vantages as well as the disadvantages our navy enabled us to impose on the "with which we shall enter upon the commerce and navigation of neutrals, ، contest. The only ground of uneasi- | and especially on those of America. It is ، ness will be in our FINANCES; but | well known, that, had we not claimed "these with a prudent and skilful ma"nagement may he made, with their "usual ELASTICITY, to adapt them "selves to the occasions, as they arise." Such, my lord, is the language of the great partizans of war. You see, they are already paving the way for a seizure of the funded property by stigmatizing the owners as DRONES OF THE STATE, whose fall to the bottom they seem to contemplate without the smallest degree of pain or inquietude. In short, rather than not gratify their vindictive feelings against the ruler and the people of France, they seem perfectly ready to involve England in all the miseries of Revolution; for, I am sure your lordship wants nothing from me to convince you, that the measures here plainly hinted at would plunge the country into general confusion and blood-shed. the sea as our own, and exercised our power there accordingly, our commerce and navigation must have dwindled into a very small compass, and that those of America would have been swelled to an enormous size, while France, open to the shipping and commerce of America, would have experienced little injury from the power of our navy. Well, then, is it to be believed, when we look at the progress and conclusion of the American war, that we shall again attempt those restrictious on her commerce and navigation? This is not to be believed; and, if we were to attempt them, is it to be believed, that we should not instantly find America a party in the war against us? The late event in France, will excite, in America, joy unbounded, and especially amongst those against whom the malicious shafts of the Whether the " public voice "will be editors of our newspapers were levelled. for war we shall, probably, soon see, When they hear these men describe Nabut, who would have expected to hearpoleon as a "traiter and a rebel," they those, who are accusing Napoleon of a will recollect, that the very same men design to go to war to gratify his army, described the President, their constitu urging you to go to war, because war tional Chief Magistrate, as a traitor and will please our naval and military men!" a rebel," and that they called upon his and because (as it is falsely asserted) war will gratify the cupidity of landholders, farmers, ship owners, merchants, and manufacturers! Was there ever before urged such reasons in justification fellow citizens, who had freely chosen him, to depose him and kill him. The Americans, my Lord, are not to be made believe, that Napoleon has forced himself upon the French nation; they are not to be made believe, that he has none but the army on his side ; they are not to be made believe, that he is merely the head of " a band of Janisaries;" they are not to be made believe, that, with a mere handful of soldiers, he could have marched frem Cannes to Paris, unless he had been the man of the people; they are got to be made believe, that the Bourbons would have fled from a throne and from the sovereignty over 30 millions of people, unless they had been convinced, that that people were on the side of Napoleon; they are not to be made him; that they called upon the people o kill him. They will remember, that ven the Prime Minister, in his place, rated, that, from the kind treatment of ar prisoners of war in America, it apeared that a part, at least, of the peo believe all, or any, of these things; but they will see, in this event, a proof of the fact, of which fact some of them before doubted, that Napoleon reigus in virtue of the love and the choice of the French nation. The American Government will, for ale of that country wished to put themwhile, at least, be disposed to remain at peace with us; but we may be well assured, that it will never again submit to any restrictions on its commerce and navigation, not warranted by the wellknown and universally acknowledged law of nations; and, it would not be at all surprising, if it should lean very strongly towards France, if we were to make war upon the latter for the purpose of dictating a Government to her in direct opposition to her will, now so clearly de clared. Here, therefore, is a difficulty, which we had not to contend with in the last war. These prizes, which this writer holds out as a bait to our naval officers and their connexions, would not be so numerous. Indeed they would be very few in number. The commerce of France | would, to a great extent, be carried on in American ships, America would be the carrier for both nations. The increase of her navigation would signify nothing at all to France; indeed, France would rejoice at it, because it would be tremendously dangerous to us. for war. selves under his Majesty's protection. They will be well convinced, that from utter ruin and subjugation they have been preserved by the wisdom of their Government, the patriotism of themselves, and the skill and bravery of their navy and army; and not by any forbearance ou our part. In short, when we look back to what has passed during the last year, can we, if we go to war with Napoleon, suppose it wonderful if the Americans prepare themselves immediately for taking any advantage of any circumstances, which that war might offer, to deal us such a blow as would, for ever after, put it out of our power to bring their independence into danger? The return of Napoleon will necessarily produce great satisfaction in America; because, the Bourbons were essentially her enemies. Talleyrand had lent his aid to the annihilation of the last of Republics in Europe. All Europe seemed to be bound down for ever, or at least, for ages, within the lines and limits of the monarchs at Vienna. They and their ministers, without reference to the Let no flatterer persuade your Lord- wishes of any body of people, inhabiting ship, that the Americans are to be either any of the transferred countries, had diswheedled or corrupted. They love peace; posed of the whole at their will. Al but they are a wise people, and they the ligatures were prepared and put in will well know, that they must provide their places, the tying of the last knot The last year has taught them, being all that was wanted. Your Lordthat they must depend solely on their ship says, that this was done with the arms. They will remember the flames at sole view of insuring long tranquillity and - Frenchtown, Stonington and Washing- happiness to Europe. I dare say it was; ton. They will remember their sufferings but different men view the same transacfrom the hands of our Indian allies. tions in a different light. America would They will remember our considering their see this grand work with great pain; naturalized citizens as traitors. But, and, of course she would rejoice at that above all things, they will remember this: event which, in a moment, has snapped that, the moment Napoleon was down, all the ligatures and blown them to the and we had no enemy to contend with winds. Our great naval power, and esin Europe, our newspapers inculcated the pecially the disposition which we have necessity of subduing America; of evinced to use that power, when occasion punishing her; of destroying her form offered, against the commerce, the shipof Government of dividing her States;ing, and even the soil of America, will of getting rid of this example of the suc-naturally induce her to wish to see us encess of Democratic rebellion. They will remember. too, that our presses called their President a traitor and a rebel; that they vowed never to have peace with feebled. It will be impossible for an American to look back to the flames of Washington and the plunder of Alexandria, without wishing earnestly to see our |