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and sold parasite, the dangler after pelf | and authorises its application ; but Briat the expence of all morality, possesses tish apathy and corruption lave at least not a feeling but what degrades bim be- suspended, if not annuiled this sacred neath the beast of the field, and marks privilege. If this master right were him out as an object of universal disdain fully resumed, corruption, in all its formis and contempt. How is this andibilating and degrees, would soon slırink out of degeneracy to be reclaimed? You, Sir, sight, and quickly cease under its bene. have often answered the question, and if ficial influence; and without it no radiyour admonition had been adopted, this cal or lasting amendment can be effected. country would have been at the present --Retrenchment means lopping off usemoment, at once the model and envy of less places, pensions, and emoluments, the civilized world. You, Sir, have re- as the morbid excrescences of a corrupt peatedly said, that an unrestrained li- and vitiating Government. The labourer berty of the press, a real annual represen is, indeed, worthy of his bire, but there tation of the people in parliament, with should be no worthless birelings for sisuch retrenchment and economy in the mister purposes. The indispensable of: national expenditure, as would supersede fices of Government should be frugally all necessity for burthensome taxation, filled, and the most rigid economy should would strike the hydra evil at its very be observed in every department of the source, would regenerate our fallen state, State. A system of Government founded and cause our once happy nation, Phee on public justice and economy, will susnix-like, to emerge from the ashes of its tain itself by its owu importance to the own destruction, into resuscitated purity, people. It becomes at once the basis of vigour, and prosperity.-Why then is not social order and of all public and private this remedy tried? Can there be any risk virtue. It will therefore be invulnerably in the experiment ? America bas furnish-secure; the shafts of falsehood will not ed a convincing proof of the beneficial reach it, whilst the purity of truth will. effects of an unshackled press. It is, imperishably establish it. The American indeed, true, that it prints a great deal of Government has this sort of moral secufalsehood; but then it also fearlessly telis rity, and will continue to have it as long the whole truth, which infivitely counter- as it shall retain its present equitable and balances and destroys the intuence of enlightened system of legislation. Its in-what is false. It is the liberty to publish trinsic worth will be its stable support, the false, and the restriction imposed on and all the powers on earth will not be making known what is true, that do all able to overthrow it whilst it remains true the mischief. Mr. Sheridan once ailirmed to the sacred principles of treedom on in the British House of Commons, that which it is bottomed. Let the decrepid, with the aid of a free press, he would defy the mutilated, and debased parent rewhatever fleets and armies, state in-ceive wholesome instruction from its offtriguers, spies, parasites, and traducers, spring. Let America, in all its youth and that might be marshalled against him ; vigour of legislative wisdom, admonish with that weapon alone, he would repel the councils of the British Government them all, would strip them of their ima to unshackle the press, to give truth an ginary power, and triumphantly hold unlimited imprinature, to be real in its them up to merited derision and execra- representation, to be annual only in its tion! By a real and an annual represen- legislative confidence, to abolish all usetation all the sham work and foolish less expences, to he economical in all the mockery of a wise institution would be out-goings of the State, to bring taxation avoided, whilst the shortness of the sit- | within the moderate and satural limits ting would soon repossess the electors of prescribed by the unavoidable disbursethat suffrage which they would take care inents of Government. Then, indeed, to confide where it would not be likely to and not till then, will the political condibe abused. By this only wise and poli- tion of the British realms be regenerated tic mode of procedure, an incessant clieck and become worthy of ber American sons, would be imposed on the representative, whose inimi:able greawess, however, it and the represented would be always able must be confessed, originated from a to correct the faults of represeutation. I virtuvus clandonment of British degeneThe British Constitution has provided this ? guardian principle of political justice,

A TRUE BRITON,

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try before the last war, aud to compare No WAR WITH FRANCE. it with the present. Let us also compare

the state of France at the commence

ment of the war with its present state. MR. COBBETT.-It is: with pleasure France liad then innumerable difficulties I see the praiseworthy and patriotic exer- to grapple with; a civil war, an unsettions you are making to avert that dread-tled government, no armies prepared for ful evil, at this eventful crisis, a war with war, comparatively speaking, no experiFrance to reinstate hereditary imbecility enced commanders to direct even those on the throne of that fine country. I armies, and her finances in a bankrupt trust your endeavours will prove success- state. But now all is tranquil within ful. Surely the evils that have befallen her borders ; a man of sublime and this country, during one and twenty years peculiar energies is placed upon the of war, will teach our ministers modera- tbrone, who has the confidence and are tion, and prevent them from madly dent affections of his subjects ; numerous rushing into a war, for the express pur- veteran soldiers, panting to be led forth to pose of placing upon the throne of France battle, to wipe off the disgrace which has a man, who has no other title to it, than been cast upon her by foreign soldiers polthe proud claim of legitimacy. They luting her soil and her capital with their have not, now the fallacions pretext to presence as Conquerors, are at her comjustify themselves, that the people of mand; also experienced Commanders France are sighing for the “ paternal who have risen from the ranks to exalted government of Louis," or that Napo-diguity solely by their merit, Her finanleon's ambition is so unbounded, that an ces are in a flourishing state, having honorable or advantageous peace cannot scarcely any debt to contend with. In be concluded with him ; for he has deed in the midst of war she alone has declared by the advice of his council, prospered in every thing. England was “ that he will , faithfully observe the plunged into a war when France had all

treaty of Paris.” He says, “ his own ihose evils I have enumerated, and many “ sentiments are contrary to that, but he more, to contend with, and yet what has “ will wave them, as it is considered been the result? We have come worsted

advantageous for France to remain at from the contest; our debt bas enor“ Peace," and he has renounced all idea mously increased, and our means of deof aggraudizement by conquest. The fraying the expences of the state decreasprogress of Napoleon with a small band ed. As that has been the result of the of followers from Frejus to the Metro- last war, it cannot be doubted that worse polis itself nearly across the whole ter- will be the consequence if we madly rush ritory, is so great a manifestation of the into another war against human liberty. national will in his behalf, not only of If we are desirous of preserving our honsoldiers, but likewise of the people, that our, our country, our independence and it must be allowed, if ever man was cal- liberties, let us attempt to stem the tored to the throne by the voice of a nation rent of evil and to preserve ourselves from that man is Bonaparte Even the a destructive war, ruinous in its tendengreatest sticklers for Louis are con- cy, and infamous in its principle, being strained to acknowledge it, and as they contrary to our Constitution, because it are forced to abandon the subterfuge of would be a war against the principles Napoleon's tyranny, they dispute the which placed the house of Brunswick on right of every nation to choose its own the English Throne. Let us then imploro Sovereign; a right which our own con- the Prince Regent, that England may not stitution ensures to us, and which has be made a party in war against France, been exercised in calling our present in consequence of France having changRoyal Family to the throue. But over- ged the head of her government, by calllooking all this, and regardless of the ing Napoleon to the throne, and expelling consequences, it is to be feared that mi-Louis XVIII. nisters are determined to renew the war, for the purpose of interfering in the inter

Your's, &c. nal affairs of France. Wiih such pros

HAMPDEN, pect before us, it becomes every one to take a view of the state of this coun

Hopes oF PEACE.

velopes it, to diffuse around its readers

an atmosphere of foetid stink that shall MR. COBBETT.-We have again been vitiate every sense of smell and taste. It favored with precious specimens of the is an indispensable preparation,even with elegancies of the Times, which would the loathsome insects who usually feed only occasion a few smiles on the coun- upon, and live iv, its muck and effiuvia. tenance of taste, were it not that they The people, generally, with a vague have tlie most wicked and diabolical teu- stare, observe, “ I suppose we must go dency; were they not dictated by the

“to war; but, if we do, we are ruined." mosi sordid and scandalous view ; to This is the common language. Those mere gain arising from the blood, and who are thus persuaded have little need misery of human beings; and, were they in order to entertain right apprehensions not indications of the degradation and except to examine the word must. Whiy vulgarity of the English character, as ex

must we? Is it because Bonaparte wil hibited by the more wealthy part of the have it so? Of this, there is not the community. It is almost incredible, least proof. Let them consider this, and but it is most true, that the elegancies they will serve their country. Men as of the Times are exactly suited to the they are, they will not be effectually opMeridian of our Nabobs, our West-India posed by vei'nin and the Times. 'Why Planters, our Gentlemen, and our Lord must we? is it becaase we will have it ships. It is certain, therefore, that the so? Ave, that is the true question. Will education of our country bas woefully de- you, then, have it so? Why? Give a generated, and that the generosi, the

reason. You have not the face to utter ingenui homines ; the viri culti, et liberalis it, for you must say that it is for Louis, institutiones ; are no longer to be sought or against Bonaparte. You dare uot say for in the higher ranks of the British pub- it, unless you have the foul impudence of lic, since they, like dumb sows, can eat the worms fed by the Times, who are up all the draft of Billingsgate, and fit only to be trodden under your feet. the Times. I speak not of opiuious, What have you to do with Louis or Bonabut of taste ; with opinions we should parte? Will you say that you dread a have no quarrel. The pen would cor- man of talents, and can you find security rect them. But when slavish opinions only in a fool, as the Ruler of France ? are dressed in all the drabbery of the Well, are you quite sure that the race of vilest canaille, and the little great are the one will all possess talents, and the euraptured with the whoresor gabardine, dynasty of the other continue fools to the honor, and taste, and virtue recoil, and end of tine? Do not say it. The doltshun the loathsome spectacle. The e ish skull of a Times-editor alone can forts of eloquence and literature are pal- contain such a lampoon on the one, and sied, and retire before the tousted hag, such an encomium on the other. Of queen of the vulgar great.

such ideotism the Times and its admirers. But this is not the object of this letter, give precious specimens every day. No, Sir, norhasit been suggested by the deadly, the people of England, though somewhat loathing, which any one, with a spark stupified, are not for war, which, without of gentlemanly policy, must experience doing any good, may ruin them. from the sight of the trasb of the Times. 2. I augur, from Lord Fitzroy SomerMy purpose is to speak to the probabi- set's continuance in Paris, that the. Go lity of the continuance of peace in the verument does not mean to go to war. present circumstances,

No event has, lately given me more pleaI freely confess that I have much good sure than this, which is an evident proof reason to expect that the nation will not of the peaceable disposition of some of now be plunged into war.: Allow me to our rulers. It: skews their wisdom and state those reasons for the consideration magnanimity more than any - thing they of your readers.I. The general sentimeut have hitherto done. · ludeed, thinking out of the augean stable of the mob that only of their probable love of war, and swallows the ordure of the Times, is not their late disappointment as to the safor the recommencement of hostilities. pient settlement of Europe ; considering This is evident from the necessity which also the turbulent passions of the venal the Times evidently feels of an extraor-supporters of violent measures, by which dinary stirring up of the mind that in they profit so much, and the stupor of the

majority of the public; I could scarcely some illustrious examples. Charles Fox believe the fact that Lord Somerset had was in a course of refinement and meremained in France at the seat of Go- lioration to the last monient of his life. vernment. I confess, I did not expect Lord Grenville, who began his career such an indication of good sense. Was it with William Pitt, may he suspected of possible, that our governors should liave not having set out well. Bnt, assuredly, surpassed, in prudenoe and greatness of he has seen his error, and, with sound mind, the warmest lovers of peace? They remaining objectionable points, is becertainly have, for I would lay a bet that come an upright statesman, a real panot one of us would have before-hand triot-though sometimes mistaken-am suggested the measure. We sincerely an upright friend of the constitution and thank you, generous rulers. In this you liberties of his country. With those, have done well; you have done admirably. there is, I think, much reason to class Am I not then justified ju believing that Lord Liverpool. Often have I visited he we have solid grounds for expecting the could free bimself from his present a5continuance of peace ? Besides, it is cer- sociates, that the bent of his changed tain that our government communicates disposition might have free course. At with that of France.

this time, I think it almost providential, 3. If report speaks truth, my Lord Li- since he continues to retain bis inclinaverpool is a decided friend of peace. tious for the right, and not the wrong, You will not scruple to admit some eu- that he has remained in the unidst of these logiumn on this nobleman, although you, men that he cannot help despising. He as well as I, disapprove of many of his may make the ascendancy of his incipient political principles and practices. In and aspiring virtue triumphant over trath, Lord Liverpool wears an improring them, and over the confines of efts, nevets character, and is likely to become a true and tadpoles that gulp down the sordes and enlightened friend of his country, of of the Times. The time is coming when its peace and liberty. There are not Lord Liverpool - will either direct the many men of this description, for the course of this nation in peace, and wiscommon course of human nature is from dom, aud reform : or protest against its good to better, or from bad to worse, as madness, and folly, and corruption, and habits acquire force and ascendancy.-- stand as a bulwark, with other patriots, Good and ingenuous minds only are ca. against its fall, or be buried gloriously in pable of the change from bad to good, ) its ruins. wlrile they must be vile indeed which can Such are my reasons, in short, for change from good to bad. of this last hoping a continuation of peace. Perhaps description are our evangelical politicians I may trouble you again, and am, in the generally. They appear to have com- mean time, Your's, menced with some grains of conscience.

HORTATOR. They have degenerated with evident timidity. They feared to plunge. But P.S. I forgot to tell you, that it is my they have almost all plunged into the intention to publish, about once in a gulph of political depravity, and there quarter of a year, a collection, price 2s. taken their natural course, immersing with this title, “ Elegancies of the Times," deeper and deeper in the sink of corrup- | with notes explanatory, laudatory, and tion. Of those who were originally bad, critical; to perpetuate to future ages a and who, in due course, increased in de specimen of the taste of the wealthy linquency, are too many public charac- British at this period. Your readers ters of the present day to admit of con- will oblige me by subscribing for this sideration. Of those who have refined work without delay, and you will, I hope, with time, and have even been changed request your publisber to taide their by experience and reflection, there are names. This is serious.)

Printed aud Published by G. Houston: No. 19, Strani ; where all Commussicavious aduruescu,

ditos are requested to be forwarded

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Vol. XXVII. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1815. [ Price Is.

STRIKE

can

449 ]

1450 LETTER II.

make to us, as it is asserted be is, all

sorts of sacrifices in order to obtain To LORD CASTLEREAGH.

peace; for, it sugbtato be recollected, On the Message of the "Prince Regent, that the leaders of the Republic, in the and the Parliamentary Proceedings vear, 1793, went much urther in this way

thay the Emperor lias get gone; and sull thereon,

the Republic, when, at hast, driven into - WALANG 10 WOUND, AND YLT AFRAID TO a war of defence, was fopnd able to frus.

trate the designs of all her enemies, and, MY LORD,

indeed, uot only to defend her own soil, If i were to study for the remainder of but to invade and conquerw large por, my life, I could not fatt urpon a detinitio: tion of the soil of those wbolad attacked of the late Niessage, more true and com- ber.

plete, than that which is contained in In the speech, to which I bave above This single lie from the peu of the best alluded, your Lordship sets ont with the of poets. But, wiy are you willing to position, that the late eyekts had led to xound: i.can see reasons enough, and an order of things likely to releuse the you bave alrearly seen tbem from my “ world from dangers and calanities; pen, why you should be afraid to strike. do restore the natural and social

SYS • I have read your speech, and also those " tem; to restore the body politic of of the other persons who seem to feel as Europe; to improve the state of Ex you feel; and I still can see no reason rope; to preserve the tranquillity' whatever for war against France; I " the world;" and that the returg of Na see no reason why we should not remain poleop had served to blight the prospects at peace with that country and with all which the great labours of the Allied the world; while I see very great danger “ Powers had operated to produce." to this country and to the rest of Europe You seem to bave regarded these poaiin a renewal of hostilities.

tions as universaily admitted to be true; The war of 1993 was called # Crusade, for you did not make the sligkee,t atand very justly so called. By soine it tempt to prove the truth of them. As was slecreed a crusade in the cause of .to the “ natural and social syren;" as religion and social order; by others, to the “ body politic of Enrope;" I do a crusade against liberty. That it was not know the meaning of these pleases. , a war of kings and noblez, and priests, and shall not, therofore, for the present, against the enemies of kingly, aud feudal, dispute about them. But, in my view and ecclesiastical Government, all the of the matter, the state of Europe avas - world must allow; and, it is impossible NOT improved by the events to a biele to dook at the present state of things you referred ; in my view of the matter, without perceiving, that Europe is, all the world was NOT released from conof a sudden, come back to the state of gers and calamilies by those even's; and, 1798, with this liference in favour of I think, it is now pretty clear, áhat those the French, that they are now in the ac- events did NOT tend to preserre the

tual enjoyment of almost the whole of tranquility of the world. If, inuced, the beveliis promised them by ihe advo- ! we look upou the fall superstitiwand cales of the revolution. You seern to ot feudal power as a unity, then it -have a very different opinion of the mat- must be confessed, at the success of -ter. That opinion, as it has been com- the Allies did promise ( release a part of municated to us through the Parliamen- the world from calamity; and, if we tary reports, Iain pow about to exaurine; took upon the re-establishment of die premising here, that it appears to me to Pope, the jesuits, and the Inquisition, bevery errebu$ to auger success against on the one hand, and the extinguisbFrance because her Inperor is ready to went of the Republics of Havard

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