to his destiny: all was carried away and kept back by the Ministers of the Bourbons. An agent for the French Military, M. Bresson, went in vain to Vienna, to claim for them the most sacred of properties-the price of their courage

and blood.

Sixthly - The preservation of the goods, moveable and immoveable, of the family of the Emperor, is stipulated by the same treaty (art. 6); and they have been plundered of one and of the other; that is to say, by main force in France, by commissioned brigands; in Italy, by the violence of the military chiefs; in the two countries, by sequestrations, and by seizures solemuly decreed

· Seventhly--The Emperor Napoleon was to kave received 2,000,000, and his family 2,500,000 francs per anuum, according to the arrangement established in the 6th article of the treaty and the French Government has constantly refused to fulfil this engagement, and Napoleon would soon have been reduced to dismiss his faithful guard for want of means to secure their pay, it he had not found in the grateful recollections of the bank ers, and merchants of Genoa and of Italy, the Honourable resource of a loan of 12 millions

which was offered to him.

Eighthly—In short, it was not without a reason that they wished by all means to separate from Napoleon those companions of his glory, models of devotedness and constaury, the mushaken guarantees of his safety and of his life. The island of Elha was secured to him in fuil pro perty (art. 3, of the treaty) and the resolution to spoil him of it, which was desired by the Bourbons, and solicited by their agents, had been taken at the Congress.

could Napoleon do? Ought he, after having endured so many affronts, supported so many injuries, to have consented to the complete violation of the engagements made with him, and resigning himself personally to the lot which was prepared for him, abandon once more his wife, his son, his family, his faithful servants to their frightful destiny? Such a resolution appears above human strength; and yet Napoleon would have taken it, if peace and the happiness of France had been the price of this new sacrifice. He would have devoted himself again for the French people, of whom, as he wishes to declare to Europe, he makes it his glory to hold every thing, to whom he wishes to ascribe every thing, to whom alone he wishes to answer for all his actions, and to devote his life. It was for France alone, and to avert from it the misfortune of civil war, that he abdicated the crown in 1814. He restored to the French people the rights which he held of them: he left it free to choose for itself a new monarch, and to establish its liberty and its happiness on institutions which might protect both. He hoped for the nation the preservation of all which he had acquired by 25 years of combats and of glory, the exercise of its sovereignty in the choice of a dynasty, and in the stipulation of the conditions on Ile expected from the new government which it would be called upon to reign. respect for the glory of the armies, the rights of the brave, the guarantee of all the new interests, of those interests which had arisen and been maintained for a quarter of a century, resulting from all the laws political and civil, observed, revered during this period, because they were identified with the manners, the habits, the wants of the nation. Far from that, all idea of the sovereignty of the people was discarded. The principle on which all legislation, political and civil, since the Revolution, had rested, was equally discarded. France has been treated by the Bourbons like a revolted country, re-conquered by the arms of its ancient masters, and subjected anew to a feudal dominion. Louis Stanislas Xavier did not recognise the treaty, which alone made the Throne of France vacant, and the abdication which

And if Providence had not in its justice provided for him, Europe would have seen an attack made on the person on the liberty of Napoleon, banished for the future to the mercy of his enemies, far from his family, and separated from his servants, either to Saint Lucia, or St. Helena, which was intended for his prison. And when the Allied Powers, yielding to the imprudent wishes, to the cruel importunities of the house of Bourbon, had condescended to violate the solemn contract, on the faith of which Napoleon had released the French nation from its oaths: when himself and the members of his family saw themselves threatened, attacked in their persons, in their property, in their affec-alone permitted him to ascend it. He pretions, in the rights stipulated in their favour, as Princes, even in those rights secured by the laws to simple citizens, what

tended to have reigned 19 years, thus insulting both the governments which had been established in this period, and the

people who had consecrated them by its the citizens, oppressed, degraded, humisuffrages, and the army which had de- liated by nobles, would have been compel. fended them, and even the Sovereigns who led to declare against their oppressors; the had recognized them in their numerous war which Protestants, Jews, men of vatreaties. A charter digested by the Se- rious religions, would have been compelled nate, all imperfect as it was, was thrown to sustain against their persecutors. He into oblivion. There was imposed on came to deliver France, and was received France a pretended constitutional law, as as a deliverer. He arrived almost alone; easy to elude as to revoke, and in the form he traversed 220 leagues without opposiof simple royal decrees, without consult- tion, without combats, and resumed withing the nation, without hearing even those out resistance, amidst the capital and the bodies, become illegal-phantoms of the acclamations of an immense majority of national representation. And as the Bour- the citizens, the throne deserted by the bons passed ordinances without right, and Bourbons, who, in the army, in their promised without guarantee, they eluded household, among the national guards, without good faith, and executed without were unable to arm an individual to atfidelity. The violation of the pretended tempt to maintain them there. And yet, Charter was restrained only by the timi- replaced at the head of the nation, which dity of their government; the extent of the had already chosen him thrice, which has abuses of power was only confined by its just designated him a fourth time by the weakness. The dislocation of the army, reception it gave him in his rapid and trithe dispersion of its officers, the exile of umphant march and arrival,-of that namany of them, the degradation of the so!. tion by which and for the interest of which diers, the suppression of their endow- he means to reign, what is the wish of Naments, their deprivation of pay and half-poleon? That which the French people pay, the reduction of the salaries of le- wish-the independence of France, intergionaries, their b ing stripped of their ho-nal peace, peace with all nations, the exe nour, the pre-eminence of the decorations of the feudal monarchy, the contempt of citizens, designated anew by the Third Estate, the prepared and already commenced spoliation of the purchasers of national property, the actual depreciation of that which they were obliged to sell, the return of feudality in its titles, its privileges, its lucrative rights, the re-establishment of ultramontane principles, the abolition of the liberties of the Gallican church, the annihilation of the Concordat, the restoration of tithes, the intolerance arising from an exclusive religion, the domination of a handful of nobles over a people accustomed to equality,-such was what the Bourbons either did or wished to do for France. It was under such circumstances that the Emperor Napoleon quitted the isle of Elba; such were the motives of the determination which he took, and not the consideration of his per-based, it be left to resume a monarch, and sonal interests, so weak with him, compared with the interests of the nation to which he has consecrated his existence. He did not bring war into the bosom of France; on the contrary, he extinguished the war which the proprietors of national property, forming four-fifths of French landholders, would have been compelled to make on their spoilers; the war which

cution of the treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814. What is there then changed in the state of Europe and in the hope of repose it had promised itself? What voice is raised to demand that succour which, according to the declaration, should be only given when claimed? There has been nothing changed,—should the Allied Fowers return, as we are bound to expect they will, to just and moderate sentiments, if they admit that the existence of France in a respectable and independent situation, as far removod from conquering as from being conquered, from dominating as from being enslaved, is necessary to the balance of great kingdoms, and to the security of small states. There has been nothing changed,-if respecting the rights of a great nation which wishes to respect the rights of all others, which, proud and generous, has been lowered, but never de

to give itself a constitution and laws suited to its manners, its interests, its habits, and its new wants. There is nothing changed,

if not attempting to compel France to resume a dynasty which it no longer wishes, feudal chains which it has broken, and to submit to seignorial and ecclesiastical claims from which it has been liberated, it is not wished to impose upon

it laws, to intermeddle with its internal us to presume upon a speedy war; yet affairs, to assign it a form of government, appearances sufficiently authorise a just to give it masters in conformity to the in- inquietude-alarming symptoms are materests or the passions of its neighbours. nifested on all sides at once. In vain do There is nothing changed,--if while you oppose the composure of reason to France is occupied in preparing the new the tumult of the passions. The voice of social compact which shall guarantee the your Majesty has not yet been able to liberty of its citizens, the triumph of the make itself heard-an incomprehensible liberal ideas which prevail in Europe, and system threatens to prevail with the powers, can no longer be stifled, it be not forced that of preparing for combat without adto withdraw itself, in order to combat, mitting any preliminary explanation with from those pacific meditations and means the nation which they seem determined to of internal prosperity to which the people fight. By whatever pretext they pretend and their head wish to devote themselves to justify so unheard of a proceeding, the in happy accordance. There has been conduct of your Majesty is its best refutanothing changed,-if, when the French tion. The facts speak for themselves; nation asks only to remain at peace with they are simple, precise, incontestable; all Europe, an unjust coalition do not and from the mere statement which I am compel it, as it did in 1792, to defend its about to give of these facts, the Councils will and its rights, its independence, and of all the Sovereigns of Europe, the gothe sovereign of its choice. vernments and the nations, may alike pro(Signed) "The Minister of State, Pre-nounce judgment in this important cause. sident of the Section of the Finances,

"The Count DEFERMON.
"The Minister of State, President of
the Section of the Interior,

"The Count REGNAUD de ST. JEAN
D'ANGELY.

Some days since, Sire, I found it necessary to call your attention to the preparations of the different foreign governments; but the germs of disturbance which for a moment sprang upon some points of our Southern provinces, rendered our situation complicated. Perhaps that very natural

"The President of the Section of Le-feeling which causes us to wish above

gislation,

"The Count BOULAY. The President of the Section of War, "The Count ANDREOSSY.

(Certified conform.) "The Minister Secretary of State,

"The Duke de BASSANO."

REPORT TO THE EMPEROR.

all things for the repression of every principle of internal dissension, would have prevented me, in spite of myself, from considering in so serious a light the menacing dispositions which are manifested abroad. The rapid dispersion of the enemies of our domestic tranquillity relieves me from all delicacy of that kind. The French nation has a right to hear the truth from Sre-If prudence makes it my duty its Government; and never could its Gonot to present indiscreetly to your Ma-vernment have, as now, so strong a wish, jesty a phantom of chimerical dangers, it is for me an obligation not less sacred, not to suffer that vigilance to be lulled into a deceitful security which is prescribed to me by the care for the preservation of peace, that great interest of France, that primary object of the wishes of your Majesty. To see danger where none exists, is sometimes to provoke it, and to cause it to spring up from another side; to shut our eyes against the indications which may be the forerunners of it, would be an art of inexcusable infatuation. I ought not to dissemble, Sire, that though no positive information confirms, up to this day, on the part of foreign Powers, a resolution formally adopted, which should lead

or so powerful an interest, to tell it the whole truth. You resumed your crown, Sire, on the 1st of March. There are events so far beyond the calculations of human reason, that they escape the foresight of Kings and the sagacity of their Ministers. On the first report of your arrival on the shores of Provence, the Monarchs assembled at Vienna still considered your Majesty as no more than the sovereign of the Isle of Elba, when you already reigned again over the French empire. It was only in the palace of the Thuilleries that your Majesty learned the existence of their Declaration. The persons who signed that unaccountable document already understood of themselves

that your Majesty had no occasion to make | companied by an escort. Another sent any reply to it. Meanwhile all the pro- off for Italy was obliged to return from clamations, all the expressions of your Turin without accomplishing the object Majesty, loudly attested the sincerity of of his mission. A third, destined for Beryour wishes for the maintenance of peace. lin and the North, was apprehended at It was my duty to inform the French po- Mentz and ill-treated by the Prussian litical agents, employed abroad by the Commandant. His dispatches were seized Royal Government, that their functions by the Austrian General who commands had expired, and to apprise them that your in chief in that place. I have already Majesty intended to accredit new Lega- learned, that among the couriers dispatched tions immediately. In your desire to on the 5th instant, those destined for Gerleave no doubt respecting your real sen- many and Italy were unable to pass the timents, your Majesty ordered me to en- frontiers. I have no account of those join those agents to be the interpreters of who were sent off for the North and for them to the different Cabinets. I obeyed England. When an almost impenetrable that order by writing on the 30th of barrier is thus set up between the French March to the Ambassadors, Ministers, Ministry and its agents abroad, between and other agents, the subjoined letter. the Cabinet of your Majesty and those of Not content with this first step, your Ma- other Sovereigns, your Minister, Sire, has jesty determined, under these extraordi- no other means than the public acts of nary circumstances to give to the manifes- Foreign Governments of judging of their tation of your pacific dispositions a cha- intentions. racter still more authentic and solemn: you thought that you could not stamp more eclat upon the expression of them, than by stating them yourself in a letter to the foreign Sovereigns. You directed me at the same time, to make a similar declaration to their Ministers. These two letters, copies of which I annex, dispatched on the 5th inst. are a monument which must for ever attest the honour and integrity of the intentions of your Imperial Majesty. While the moments of your Majesty were thus occupied, and as it were absorbed by one single thought, what was the conduct of the different Powers? In all ages nations have taken a pleasure in promoting the mutual communications between their governments; and cabinets themselves have made a point of facilitating these communications. In time of peace the object of these relations is to prolong its duration; in war they tend to the restoration of peace; in both circumstances they are a benefit to humanity. It was reserved for the present epoch to behold an association of Monarchs, forbidding simultaneously all connection with a great state, and closing the avenue to its amicable assurances. The couriers dispatched from Paris on the 30th of March, for the different courts, have not been able to reach the places of their destination. One could proceed no farther than Strasburg, and the Austrian General who commands at Kehl refused to allow him a passage even upon condition of his consenting to be ac

ENGLAND. The Constitution of England imposes on the Monarch fixed obligations towards the nation which he governs. As it is not in his power to act without its concurrence, he is obliged to communicate to it, if not his formal, at least his probable resolutions. The message transmitted to Parliament on the 5th inst. by the Prince Regent, is not calculated to excite any very extensive confidence in the friends of peace. I have the honour to submit this piece to your Majesty.-A first remark must painfully affect those who are acquainted with the rights of nations, and are anxious to see them respected by kings. The only motive alleged by the Prince Regent to justify the measures which he announces the intention of adopting is, that events have occurred in France contrary to the engagements contracted by the Allied Powers with one another; and this Sovereign of a free nation seems not even to pay the least attention to the wishes of the great nation among whom these events have taken place. It seems that in 1815, England and her Princes have no recollection of 1688! It seems that the Allied Powers, because they obtained a momentary advantage over the French people, have presumed, in regard to an internal act which most nearly concerns its whole existence, to stipulate for it, and without it, in contempt of the most sacred of its rights! The Prince Regent declares, that he is giving orders for the increase of the British forces both by

PRUSSIA. The movements of Prussia are not less active. Every where the corps are completing. Officers on half-pay are ordered to join their corps: to accelerate their march, they grant them free posting; and this sacrifice, slight in appearance, but made by a calculating government, is not a small proof of the interest which it attaches to the rapidity of its preparations.

land and sea. Thus the French nation, | sity of covering his kingdom has obliged of which he takes so little account, must him to take up military positions in the be upon its guard on all sides: it has to Roman States. fear a continental aggression, and at the same time must watch the whole extent of its coasts against the possibility of a descent. It is, says the Prince Regent, to render the security of Europe permanent, that he claims the support of the English nation. And how can he have occasion for this support when that security is not threatened? For the rest, the relations between the two countries have not suf- SARDINIA. The first moment after your fered any alteration worthy of notice. Majesty's return, a Commandant of the On some points, particular facts prove British troops, in concert with the Gothat the English are solicitous to maintain vernor of the county of Nice, took posthe relations established by the peace. On session of Monaco. By ancient treaties, others, different circumstances would lead renewed by the treaty of Paris, France to a contrary belief. Letters from Roche-alone has a right to place a garrison in fort of the 7th inst mention some incidents that fortress. The time of this occupawhich would be of an unfavourable omen tion by the Commandant of the English if they were to be confirmed, and if not troops, sufficiently shows that he did this explained in a satisfactory manner: but of himself, and without previous instrucour present accounts exhibit no character tions from his Government. France must which would lead us to attach much im- demand satisfaction for this affair from portance to those incidents. In Austria, the Courts of London and Turin. She in Russia, in Prussia, in all parts of Ger- must require the evacuation of Monaco, many, in Italy, in short every where, is and its being given up to a French garrito be seen a general arming. son conformably to treaties; but your Majesty will, doubtless, be of opinion, that this affair can only become a subject of explanation, considering that the determination of the Sardinian Governor, and especially that of the English Commandant, have been accidental, and a sudden effect of the alarm occasioned by extraordinary movements.

AUSTRIA.---At Vienna, the recall of the Landwehr, lately disbanded, the opening of a new loan, the daily increasing progression of the discredit of the paper money, all announce the intention or the fear of war. Strong Austrian columns are on their march to reinforce the numerous corps already assembled in Italy. It may be doubted whether they are destined for aggressive operations, or are merely intended to keep in obedience Piedmont, Genoa, and the other parts of the Italian territory, where the clashing of interests may excite apprehensions of discontent.

NAPLES. Amidst these preparations of Austria on the side of Italy, the King of Naples could not remain motionless. This Prince, whose assistance the Allies had, on a preceding occasion, invoked, whose legitimacy they had acknowledged, and whose existence they had guaranteed, could not be ignorant that their policy, since modified by different circumstances, would have endangered his throne, if, too intelligent to trust to their promises, he had not known how to strengthen himself on better foundations. Prudence has enjoined him to advance a few steps, to watch events more closely, and the neces

SPAIN.-News from Spain, and an official letter from M. de Laval of the 28th March, state, that an army is to proceed to the line of the Pyrenees. The strength of that army will necessarily depend upon the internal situation of that monarch, and its ulterior movements upon the de termination of the other States. France will remark that these orders were given upon the demand of the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme. Thus, in 1815, as in 1793, it is the French Princes that invite foreigners into our territories.

THE NETHERLANDS.-The assembling of troops of different nations in the new kingdom of the Netherlands, and the numerous debarcations of English troops, are known to your Majesty; a particular fact is added to the doubts which these assemblages may give rise to, relative to the dispositions of the Sovereign of that