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VOL. XXVII. No. 1. LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 7, 1815.
[2 TO JOHN CARTWRIGHT, Esq. nuance until now; and, 3d, of the causes
which produced the THE INFLEXIBLE ENEMY OF TYRANNY.
When we bave
done this, the consequences of such a termiPeace between England and America. nation of the war will naturally develope
themselves to our view. Happily this war Botley, January 1, 1815.
has closed before its causes and its objects DEAR SIR, When yon, a few minutes bave been forgotten. · We are yet within after I was cnclosed amongst felons in the recollection of every circumstance; and Newgate, for having written about the though I have, over and over again, stated flogging of English Local Militia-imen in thein all, it is now necessary to recapituthe presence of German Dragoons, at the late the material points, and to give them, town of Lly, came to take me by the hand, if possible, a form and situation that mav and, looking round you, exclaimed, "Welldefy the power of tine. All sorts of vile "I am seventy years old, but 'I shall yet means will be used by those who have the
.......,;" when you controul of a corrupt press, to misrepresent, uitered that exclamation, little indecd did to disfigure, to disguise, to soppress, upon I hope that your prediction would so soon this important occasion. The birelings are seem to be in a fair way of being fulfilled. raving with mortification at this grand The peace with America is certainly the event, the consequences of which they feel most suspicious event that I lave ever liad before band. It is, therefore, incumbent to record, or to notice, sinit the list day upon us to place the whole of the matter in that I ventured to put my thoughts upon a clear light, and thus to do all that we are
It opens to rankind a prospect si able to counteract ibeir effortsa happier days. It has, by a stroke of the First, as to the cause of the war: pen, blasted the malignant hopes of the though there had been several points in enemies of freedom, baffled all their specu- dispute, the war was produced by the imlations, flung them back beyond the point pressment, by our naval officers, of men out thence they started in their career of hos- of American ships on the high seas. The tility against the principles of political and Republic wished to take no put in the civil liberty ; hurled them and their para- European war, especially after Napoleon igraphs, and pamphlets and reviews, and all made himself a King. But she, at last, the rest of their bireling productions, down found, that, in order to avoid miseries equal / into the dirt to be trampled under foot; to those of war, it was necessary for her to chapued their exultation joto mourning, arm and to fight. We stopped her ships ibeir audacity inco fcar.". Let those 10 on the high scas, and our naval officers im. whom liberty and slavery are iodiffcrent presed such men as they thought proper, talk about boundary lines, passages, fishing took them on board of our ships, compelled banks and commercial arrangements ; you them to submit to our discipline, and to will look at the peace will very different fight, in short, in our service. The ground eyes ; you will see in it the greatest stroke on wbich we proceeded to do this was, that that has ever yet been struck in favour of the persons impressed were British subthat cause, to which you have devoted your jects; and that we had a right to imprese life; and struck, too, at a time, when almost British subjects, being scamen, find them every friend of freedom, except yourself, where we might. The Republic denied alseemed to have yielded to feelings of together our right to take persons of any despair.
description by force out of ber neutral But, in order to be able fully and justly ships, unless they were soldiers or seamen to estimate the consequences of this peace, actually in the service of our enemy. But, , We must take a review, lst, of the cause perhaps, if we had confined our impressof the war; 20, of the causes of its conti- ments to our own people, she might not
have gone to war. This, lowever, our “ June can only be defeated by a refusal naval officer's did not do. It has never 16 on the
your Government to desist been denied by our Government, that many" from hostilities, or to comply with the natire Republicuns were impressed by our “ conditions expressed in the said Order. oflicers. It is notorious, that many of them “ Umier the circumstances of your having have been compelled to serve on board of “ no powers to regociate, I must decline our ships; and, of
have entering into a detailed discussion of the been wounded or killed; or, at least, car- propositions which
have been directried from their country, their homes, their “ed to bring forward. I cannot, however, family, and their affairs. NIr. Madison, “ refrain on one single point froin expressin his last sprech to the Congress, states, “ing my surprise ; namely, that, as a conthat "the winds of Native Republicans“ dition, preliminary even to a suspension were thus impressed, before war was dc- " of hostilities, the Government of the clared by the Congress. The Congress," United States should have thought fit to at last, declared wár; but the President," demand, that the British Government alvvays anxious to avoid the calumities of " should desist from its ancient and accuswar, inmediately proposed the renewal of " tomed practice of impressing British seanegociations for peace. Mr. Russell, then" men from the merchant ships of a forcigra the Republican Ninister in London, signi- “ State, simply on the assurance that a law ficd to Lord Castlereagh, in August 1812, “ shall hereafter be passed, to probibit the that he was authorised to stipulate for an employment of British seamen in the Armistice, to begin in sisty days, on the public or commercial service of that following conditions : “ That the Orders in “ State. The British Government now, “ Council be repealed, and no illegal “ as heretofore, is ready to receive from “ plockades be substituted for them; and “the Government of the United States, " that order; be immediately given to dis. " and amicably to discuss, any proposition “ Coreinue the impressment of persons from “ which professes to haver in view either to " American vessels, and to restore the “ check abuse in exercise of the practice "cilisens of the United States already im- “ of impressment, or to accomplish, by spresseil; it being moreover well under-" means less liable to vexation, the object “ stooil, that the British Government will “ for which impressment has hitherto been “ assent to enter into definitive arrange- “ found necessary; but they cannot consent
nicats, as soon as may be, on these and “ to suspend the exercise of a right upon “every other difference, hy a 'Treaty, to be " which the naval strength of the empire “ concluded, either at London or Wash- “ mainly depends, until they are fully con“ ington, as on an impartial consideration " vinced that means can be devised, and 5 of existing circumstances shall be deem- " will be adopted, hy which the object to “ed most expedient.-- Asan inducement “ be obtained by the exercise of that right
to Great Britain to discontinue tlie prac- can be effcctually secured. I have the "tice of impressment from American" honour to be, Sir, your most obedient “ vessels, I am authorised to give assurance “ bumble Servant." " that a law shall be passed (to be reci- This offer, you will perceive, came from “ procul), to prolribit the employment of the President. How false, then, is the " British seamen in the public or commer- charge, that he went to trar to assist Na. “cil service of the United States. It is poleon! If that liad been true, he, of “ sincerely believed, that such an arrange- course, would have proposed no armistice.
ment would prove more eílicacious, in He would have been anxious to avoid ali “ securing to Great Britain her seamen, means of reconciliation. But, on the " than the practice of impressment, so de contrary, he is the first to make an effort *** rngatory to the sovereignattributes of the to put an end to the war; and, even in the " United States, and so incompatible with case of impressment, to tender voluntarily “ the personal rights of their cilizens." a measure calculated to remove our ap
Lord Castlereagh's answer to this was prehensions on the score of our seamen. as follows:--" From this statement you I do not know how an English Secretary of “ kill peyecise, that the view you have State may have been able to look a Repubs taken on elois part of rtr subject is incor- lican Minister in the face, while the for. "rect: nd that, in the present state of the mer was assertiog, that the strength of * beftatimis Beleen the two countries, the England mainly depended on the exercise
Aperation of de Order of the 238 of of the right of impressing its own sulojects;
but, lie that as it may, the President here," British subjects in their service, and iendered á measure to render that impresso “ enforce the probibition by suitable regument unnecessary, unless it was still mcant“ lations and penulties, the motive for the to impress the Republicans.
practice is taken away. It is in this mode The Republic baving failed in this en-" that the President is willing to accomniodeavour to restore peace, she made another" date this important controversy with the attempt, the succeeding month, as will be “ British Government, and it cannot be conseen in the letter of Nir. Monroe to Sir “ceived on what ground the arrangement John B. Warren, and which letter it is of " can be refused. A suspension of the great importance now to peruse with at-" practice of impressment, pending the arLention. After the opening of his letter, “mistice, seems to be a necessary consehe proceeds thus :-"I am instructed to " quence. It cannot be presumed, while “ inform you, that it will be very satisfac- “ the parties are engaged in a negociation
tory to the President to meet the British “ to adjust amicably this important differs Government in such arrangements as " ence, that the United States would ad“ may terminate, without delay, the hosti-" mit the right, or acquiesce in the prac" lities which now exist between the United“ tice, of the opposite party; or that Great “ Siates and Great Britain, on conditions " Britain would be unwilling to restrain “ honourable to both nations. At the “ her cruisers from a practice which would " moment of the declaration of war, the “ have the strongest tendency to defeat " President gave a signal proof of the at. " the negociation. It is presumable that • tachment of the United States to peace. “ both parties would enter into a negocia. “ Instructions were given, at an early pe- « tion with a sincere desire to give it effect. “riod, to the late Charge d'Affaires of " For this purpose, it is necessary that a “ the United States at London, to propose“ clear and distinct understanding be first " to the British Government an armistice,“ obtained between them, of the accommo“on conditions which, it was presumed, “dation which each is prepared to make. “ would have been satisfactory. It bas “ If the British Government is willing to “ been seen with regret, that the proposi- “ suspend the practice of impressment from “tion made by Mr. Monroe, particularly “ American vessels, on consideration that " in regard to the important interest of the United States will exclude British "impressment, was rejected ; and that “scamon from their service, the regulation, "none was offered through that channel, by which this compromise should be car" as a basis on which hostilities might“ ried into effect, would be solely the ob
cease. As your Government has au- “ject of this negociation. The armistice “thorised you to propose a cessation of " would be of short duration. If the para " hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the “ ties agree, peace would be the result. “important and salutary effect which a sa-" If the negociation failed, each would be “tisfactory adjustment of this difference “ restored to its former state, and to all its “cannot fail to have on the future rela-“ pretensions, by recurring to war.-Lord “tions between the two countries, I in- " Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, " dolge the hope that it has, ere this, given" seems to have supposed, that, had the
you full powers for the purpose. Ex- " British Government accepted the propo“perience bas sufficiently evinced that no " sitions made to it, Great Britain would
peace can be durable, unless this object “ have suspended immediately the exercise “ is provided for: it is presumed, there" of a right on the mere assurance of this "fore, that it is equally the interest of " Government, that a law would be after“ both countries to adjust it at this time.-" wards passed to prohibit the employment “ Without further discussing questions of “ of British seamen in the service of the “ right, the President is desirous to pro- " United States, and that Great Britain “ vide a remedy for tle evils complained" would have no agency in the regulation “ of on both sides. The claim of the Bri- “ to give effect to that proposition. Such “ tish Government is to take from the “ an idea was not in the contemplation of “ merchant vessels of other countries Bri-" this Government, nor is to be reasonably “ tish subjects. In the practice, the Com-“ inferred from Mr. Russell's note : least, “ manders of British ships of war often“ however, by possibility, such an inference " take from the merchant vessels of the “ might be drawn from the instructions “United States American citizens. If the " to Mr. Russell, and anxious that thera * United States prohibit the employment of “ should be no misunderstanding in the
* case, subsequent instructions were given once allowed, that we had a right to im
to Mr. Russell, with a view to obviste press on board American ships. Was this
every oljection of the kind alluded to offer to be attributed to a wish to aid Na“ As they bear date on the 27th of July, poleon? How execrable, then, has been " and were forwarded by the British the conduct of those who have been labour
packet Alphea, it is more than probable ing to make the people of England believe, sihat they may have been received and that Mr. Madison went to war to aid Na" acted vn-i am happy to explain to poleon! What wretches must those be,
thus fully the views of my Govern-wl:o bave called him “ the tool of the fallen “merit on this important subject. The “ despot ??? what impudent men, those who « President desires that the war which have accused him of attacking us in the sexists between our countries should be lark, like an üssassin ? The man, who, Terminated on such conditions as may se- the other day, uttered that expression,
cure a solid and durable peace. To ac- enght to have liad his lips smashed upon * complish this great object, it is neces- his teeth. Every effort, short of opening
sary that the interest of impressment be the Republican ships to English press" satisfactorily arranged. He is willing gangs, was, it appears to me, made by the " that Great Britain should be secured President to prevent the war, and to put " against the erils of which she complains. an end to the war after it was begun. só lle seeks, on the other hand, that the It is asserted most rouudly, in Lord " citizens of the United States should be Castlereagh's letter to Mr. Russell, that “ protected against a practice, which,“ to impress Britisha seamen from the mer* while it degrades the nation, deprives" chant ships of a foreign State is the anci" them of their right as frcemen, takes “ent and accustomed practice of the British " them by force from their families and “ Government.” It has often beon thus "their country into a foreign service, to said, but never has been attempted to he "ficht the battles of a foreign Power, per- proved. I have never read of any such
baps against their own kindred and practice ; I liave never heard of any such “contri-l abstain from entering, in practice ; and, I defy any one, to cite in this communication, into other grounds any book on the law of nations any
record " of differences. The Orders in Council of such a practice, or any maxim or prin“ having beca repealed (with a reservation ciple to warrant it. I have thrown down “ pat impairing a corresponding right on this challenge fifty times, and it has never
the part of the United States), and no been taken up. But, we did not stop with
ilegal blockades revived or instituted in this practice. We impressed Native Rc"heir stead, and an understanding being publicans. Mr. Madison says that we ims obtained on the subject of impressnient, pressed thousands of them. The President “ in the mode herein proposed, the Presi- tenders us a law, to be agreed on by us ats “cent is willing to agree to a cessation well as him, to prevent our seaincn from • of hostilities, with a view to arrange, by serving on board of the Republican ships ;
treaty, in a more distinct and ample and this, even this, does not satisfy us.manncr, and to the satisfaction of both He wishes to put an end to the war in this
partics, cvery other subject of contro-way, even at a time when be is accused of “ versy will only add, that if there having declared it for the purpose of aiding “ be no oljection to an accommodation of Napoleon ; and still the hirclings of the " the diilerence relating to inapressment, London press call him “ the tool of Napo“ in the mode proposed, other than the sus
“ leon;" while other miscreants accuse him pension of the British claims to impress of having attacked us in the dark, like an • ment during the armistice, there can be assassin. " none procreding, without the arinistico, SECOND, the causes of the continuance of
to an immediate discussion and arrange-| the War.- -But, how came the war not "ment of an article on thui subject. This to cease when the war in Europe coased? " great question being satisfactorily ad. This is the most interesting part of the “justed, the way will be open cither for subject. The professed object of the wat,
an armistice, or any other course leading on our part, was to make the Americans
most conveniently and expeditiously to a submit to our practice of impressment, al"pocal nacification."
ledging that that practice was necessary to This oitr, 100, was rejectes!! What the preservation of our maritine power, more was ihe President io do unless be, at, on which our existence depended. Mr.
Madison tendered us the means of prevent- | Monroe, in his instructions to the Commising ourseanien from avoiding our service by sioners at Ghent, written in July and Auserving ou board of American slips; but, gust, telling then, that it appears to the laying thii asido, why did we not make President, that the war, or our part, has peace as soon as we had made peace with a new object. France? We were no longer in danger. But this proclamation of the Admiralty There existed no longer any reason to was not all that bad a tendency to produce fear, that our men would take refuge on this opinion of our object. On the 2 lof June, board of American ships. The European just alter the issuing of this proclamation, peace bad taken away all ground of quar- the London newspapers published what rel. The Republic was always ready to they called a speech of Sir Joseph Yorke, trcat. Her Ministers, or Commissioners, one of the Lords of the Admiraliy, deliverwere in London soliciting audiences. And ed, as it was stated, in the House of Comyet the war continued, and, on our part, mons, the evening before. This document with more fury than ever. All danger to is of infinite importance, whether us was at an end. The French king was view it as coming from a Gentleman in restored ; the Pope was re-established in office, or as to the time of its having been his Chair of St. Peter; regular Govern- uttered, or, at least, published. It was in ment and the Inquisition were happily re- these memorable words, as published in the swied in Spain ; and, in short, “ social Courier newspaper of the 20 June, 1514, “ order and our holy religion,
“Sir J. Yorke observed, that although Bowles used to call them, were every
where one great enemy of this country, Bon: become again in vogie.
parte, had been deposed, there was anoThis change took place in the months of |“ iher gentleman whose DEPOSITION April and Sky lust; and just as I was hug- also necessary to our interest, lie ging myself in the prospect of a speedy" meant IIr. President Madison, and with prace with America, out came a very ex- a view to THAT DEPOSITION : traordinary paper from the Admiralty. It considerable paval force must be kept was an address to the fleets. It set out up, especially in the Atlantic. But as with expressing thanks to the sailors for “ to his Hon. Friend's opinion respecting their services in the glorious canse, which “ the reduction of the Navy, he wished it had just been crowned with such signal" to be considered that a number of shipsuccess; it then stated to them, that their “ping were employed in conveying French strvices would be wanted a little longer, in prisoners to France, and bringing home order to carry on the war against America, our own countrymen. So much for the which had been guilty of an unprovoked act" occupation of our navy on the home of aggression against our maritime rights; “ station. But from the Mediterranean and it concluded by observing, that, with " for instance, several three deckers were the aid of the navy, there was no doubt“ ordered hone, and he could swear that but such a peace would be procured as “ no practicable excrtion would be remitted would tend to the “ LASTING TRAN- “ to reduce the capence of our Naval De“QUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED" partment."--This required no interpre" WORLD.” There was a great deal of ter. It left no zoom for miscomprehension. meaning in these concluding words. Sup. It went, at once, to the point; and, though pose the war to have gained us an acknow- it might possibly have licen a fabrication of ledgment of our right to send press-gangs the Newspaper Editors, it never was, it into American merchant ships on the high any time afterwards, stated to bave been seas, what had that to do with “ the lasting such; and yet it was of quite importance
tranquillity of the civilized world.?” And enough to merit a contradiction, it it could why the word civilized? In short, this have received it. No won:ler, then, that novel instrument was, in America, looked Mr. Madison thought, that we had found upon as a new declaration of war against out a new object for the war. It was high them; a declaration of war upon a new time for him to make this discovery, when ground. Jonathan, who heard so much he read in the English newspapers a report about our care for the “ cirilized world,” of the speech of a Lord of the Almiralty, when we began our war against the French stating, in an official way, that a strong Republic
, did not fail to interpret these sig- naval force was still necessary with a view nificant words according to John Bowles's to THE DEPOSING of NIr. Madison. Dictionary. Accordingly we find Mr. This speech, as I bave often said, nay