While hope remains, put forth your manly strength; unite firmness with moderation; convincing argument with eloquence; and continue to demonstrate to the divided world, that Peace is better than War.No period, in the annals of history, affords to the contemplative mind a collection of events so great in magnitude, so extensive in their interests, or so awful in their consequences, as those which at this moment agitate Europe. It is not the concern of a single nation, or the interest of this generation only, but the prosperity and happiness of nations unborn, of ages yet to come, that are involved in the doubtful determination of a few individuals.—What heart, possessed of a single spark of hamanity, does not sicken when he views the sanguinary Proclamation issued at Vienna? Are our principles and dispositions to be guided by the hostile spirit it breathes-Are we to draw our rules of morality and justice from thence?-Does the happiness of society and the world depend on doing evil that good may come? has already been denominated a "highwayman's tax" by the supporters of the "Social System," is to be renewed with all its terrors. Although they have already felt, and must again feel the pernicious effects of these measures, even should the country continue in a state of peace, they still bawl out for war, for the punishment of the "rebels" in France, for the overthrow of those institutions which have exalted France to so lofty a pinnacle, and for the destruction of that man who has endeared himself to the whole nation, by uniformly protecting these institutions. All this the enemies of France, and of liberty, demand at the hands of ministers, and yet they are so unreasonable as to complain because they are called upon to contribute the means by which alone their wishes are to be accomplished. If we are to have war with France, I am satisfied that neither ten nor fifteen per cent. on income will be sufficient to support it for any length of time. According to present appearances, France will not be very speedily reduced. It will-If ever a public declaration merited take twenty per cent. at least to accomplish this, if ever it is accomplished. Let those then, who cry for war, who cant incessantly about the establishment of the "Social System," and the preservation of our "holy religion," look to this.---They are, at this moment, more likely than ever to see the flames of war rekindled in Europe; but while they feel so much gratification in this, let them at least be thankful to those who have been the cause of it. Let those who are active in endeavouring to bring on a war, have all the money they desire. It is by money only that the means of prosecuting the war canlieve the voice of the people would be efbe procured. How senseless, how stupid, how inconsistent it is in us to expect war, and not expect that we will be called on to pay for it. PEACE OR WAR. Mr. COBBETT,If ever there was a time when the interests of mankind imperiously called on the advocates of peace to exert their influence, the present is that time. You, Sir, have raised your powerful voice in her defence, in a manner truly honourable to your character, and worthy the approbation of every friend to humanity. Be not weary in well doing. universal censure, surely this of all others demands it. Are these the specimens of moderation proceeding from the "Deliverers of Europe?"-What awful consequences may we not expect, if the same spirit is to pervade our councils, and govern our national divisions?-It appears to me, Sir, that this is the momentous period, when the inhabitants of the country should step forward to implore and petition Parliament, to avert the melancholy calamities a new war would inevitably produce.-I admit that recent circumstances do not give us much encouragement to be fectually regarded; yet the late unsuccess- enslaved, and has nothing to expect bus oppression, taxation, and cruelty. Let the question be dispassionately asked :Shall we gain by recommencing hostilities against France? Shall we look back to the last twenty-five years, and, by this retrospect, fortify our minds and stimulate our desires to a fresh combat? Will the millions of money expended, the incalculable number of lives lost, the increased paupers throughout every city, town, village, or hamlet; will these excite with ardour the mind to renewed acts of desolating slaughter? Will the moral ascend the throne of France? Has the is disputed, or an opposite principle reformer sway of that House proved so bene- | cognised, the nation admit it is already ficial to England? Are we compensated for the immense expenditure of treasure, and the waste of lives it has cost Great Britain, in fruitless attempts to re-establish the Bourbons? Is the interest of a single foreign family to rise paramount to the interest of a whole Empire? What can so far infatuate the minds of the enemies of peace? Is it the genuine love they bear to Louis, or the real hatred they feel to Napoleon? Are these causes sufficient why the blood of England should again flow in torrents? Is the war faction so sure of success as to leave no fearful doubts of accomplishing their wishes? Is Bona-sense be improved, and the best feelings of parte a novice in the art of war, or so feeble a politician as to be unable to guide the immense power which 25 millions of people have placed in his hands? Because of his former momentary humiliation, a humiliation ascribed to one rash enterprise, are we to calculate on a repetition of such fortuitous events? Experience, the best instructor, will correct his impetuous judgment, and influence him to more caution. His situation at this moment, is far different to that in which he stood after his return from Russia. Not less than 200,000 soldiers, prisoners from various nations, have returned to France. Nearly the whole, it may fairly be presumed, will gladly rejoin their old idolized Captai. He has also possession of all the well fortified places throughout the Empire. The wonderful enterprize, from Elba to Paris, without the slightest opposition, must inspire a military ardour through every rank in the army, and diffuse a martial glory over the whole nation.-If any act can give a just title to a crown, it must be the voice of the people. This voice has been plainly manifested throughout all France. Never was there a more unequivocal proof exhibited to the world. The unanimity of the French people, is the best pledge of Buonaparte's strength, and ultimate success. The same principle that gave to the House of Brunswick the throne of England, justifies Napoleon's claim to the throne of France. The Sovereign will of the people is the only fountain of legitimate authority. If this right Birmingham, 12th April. humanity advanced? Will our character as a nation professing christianity exemplify the charities of that religion we boast? Judging from past conduct, we seem to imagine war a necessary good, rather than the greatest evil that can afflict a nation. Are we desirous for the revisitation of the Income Tax, the loss of commerce, and the depression of public spirit? Such consequences are inseparable with a state of warfare.-If the contest once begins, who ter ourselves it will be of short duration. can say where it will end? We may flatmencement of the former war; yet it con-This delusive hope existed in the com→ tinued for a quarter of a centory. Is England now in equal condition to supply the Allies with money. The wealth of England must flow, otherwise the combat will be of short continuance. But why should England provide for the expences of other nations? Has she a deeper interest at stake then they have? Or does she entertain a greater hate to the power of France? Is not our former useless prodigality, by which our national debt is so enormously increased, sufficient to check further subsidies? Are our public expences never to be œconomized? Or must we run the desperate hazard of uni versal ruin, which, in my humble opinion, may be awfully demonstrated in the prosecution of another war with France? I am, &c. MERCATOR. Printed and Published by G. HoUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. 513] XXVII. No. 17.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 29, 1815. [Price 1s. TO THE MERCHANTS OF ENGLAND, [514 then, I again ask, are the pretences for The opinion you have been induced to entertain is this: that Napoleon will always seek occasions for using the forces of France against foreign nations; that he will still be a conqueror; that he will again force us to go to war. Admit this Amongst all the classes of the commu- to be true. I let you beg the question; nity there is not one, I believe, with the and, even then, what is your meaning? exception, perhaps, of the Borough-faction Why, that you will force him into war and their dependants, who are so eager now, lest he should force us into war herefor war against France, and who are so after! But, what is all this talk about his hostile to Parliamentary Reform, as the ambitious projects; about his conquests; Merchants, by which word I mean, rich about his restless disposition? Suppose all men in Trade of all kinds. To argue with you say to be true. Suppose him again to the Borough-faction would be useless; extend his sway from Cadiz to Hamburgh, but, though, I must confess, I have little from the Scheldt to the Po, why should hope of succeeding, I cannot refrain from you be alarmed? His power would not afmaking one effort, upon this particular oc- fect us. It would not endanger our safecasion, to convince you that you are de-ty. These Islands would benefit, if any ceived, and that, in spite of all your un-thing, from such a change in the political derstanding, you long have been, and still power of Europe. are, used as the tools of a crafty and corrupt faction in the supporting of a system jurious and degrading to your country at large, and to no part of the people more than to yourselves. But, the truth is, that every reasonable man must be convinced, that the changes, which have taken place in France, neces sarily tend to the preservation of peace. Nay, it is acknowledged, or, rather, ostentatiously asserted, by the advocates for war, that Napoleon has not the means of contending against the Allies; that the people of France are opposed to his collecting a large army. Now, either this is true, or, it is false. If true, where is the danger to be apprehended from his restless disposition? If false, where is the hope of that speedy success against him which is so confidently talked of? As to the projected war with France, on what ground can it be justified? What cause is there for such war? France has not injured us. Our Regent explicitly, in an official way, I mean in his declaration subjoined to the Treaty of Vienna of the 25th March, disavows all intention, as he might have disavowed all right, to interfere in the domestic affairs of France. What, then, can be the cause of war? France has not injured us. France disavows all designs of foreign conquest. France declares her readiness, and, indeed, her resolution to abide by the treaty of Paris; yes, even that treaty which we and our allies, backed by enormous ar-year 1791, the aggression has been on the mies, wrung from the Bourbons. The part of the enemies of France. I pledge Emperor Napoleon, since his return to myself to maintain this proposition against power, has neglected nothing to convince any one, at any time. But, at present, to the world of his anxious desire to remain speak of Napoleon's conduct; he has at peace. He has made overtures, in a never let pass an occasion of restoring regular way, to renew and preserve with peace to Europe, from the date of his me us all the relationships of peace. What,morable Letter to our King in 1799 to the It is as a disturber of the peace of Europe that the Borough-faction exclaim against him. I state as a fact, that, in every war with every nation, with whom the French have been at war, since the R present hour. A conqueror, indeed, he and of the United Kingdom is not held by descent. The family now upon the throne can put forward no such claim. They are not the descendants of the elder branch of the Stuarts; but, and it is singular enoug Louis le Desiré is! Our king holds his crown in virtue of an act of Parliament, and solely in such virtue; and a very good holding it is, because it is really legiti mate. Ours, therefore, is a legitimate sovereign; but, the Capets were never the legitimate sovereigns of France. A title may be, and thousands of titles are, at once hereditary and legitimate, as in the case of private estates; but, then, there is. law in support of the hereditary claim; and this is precisely the case with the claim of our kings: but, in the case of the Capets, there is no law, there never was a law, in support of their hereditary claim. Then, as to the sort of government, which existed in France under the Bourbons, you have forgotten what it was, or, I am very sure, that you must hold the recollection of it in abhorrence. It is strange, that, in the long line of their ancestors, they dare never appeal to the memory of but two: Saint Louis and Henry the Fourth. The former, a tool in the hands of the priests, exhausted the treasure and blood of his people in mad crusades against the Turks. The latter began his reign by abjuring the Protestant religion, in the support of which he had led hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen to slaughter. He called together the States of his kingdom, and, laying his hand upon his sword, told them to remember that in their delibera You call him an Usurper and Louis the legitimate sovereign. Words have great power, and these words have had great power; but the assertions are not true. An Usurper is one who seizes on authority unlawfully: a legitimate sovereign is one who holds his authority by law. Now, Napoleon was by law made Emperor of France, an office which never was by law taken from him. Louis has no legal, ortions. Not content with the terrible laws legitimate, title to the throne of France. He is descended, in a right line, if you please, from Hugh Capet, who made himself king of France by force, who put the real heir to the throne to death, and who never was legally made king of France, any more than William the Norman was made king of England. The Bourbons, whose real name is Capet, held the throne by descent merely, and their descent was from an Usurper. At no time was any law passed to make any of their ancestors kings of France; no law was now made in behalf of the authority of Louis, who took to the crown as descending to him from Hugh Capet, and not as legally placed on his head by the people of France. What, then, becomes of all this talk about legitimate sovereigns? The throne of England already in force to provide for the enjoyment of Iris favourite sport, he decreed, that every man, found lurking near the preserves of game, should be stripped and flogged round a bush 'till the blood ran down his back. This was in no remote times. This was in no barbarous age. It was at the time, when Elizabeth reigned with so much glory in England, when Eng land relied for its defence on the arms of its people, when the sovereign prided herself in being guarded only by the citizens, when England extended her arm to the Continent, not to support ancient despots, not to extinguish the bursting flame of pos litical and religious liberty, but to establish both these in aiding the Dutch against their cruel oppressors. The House of Bourbon, beginning with No: you cannot tell them this. For what, then, are you prepared to spend your money? For what, then, would you have war? You are afraid of Napoleon. Afraid that he will do what to you? You are not afraid that he will send his armies to England. How, then, is he to hurt you? The truth is, that you are told, that you have cause to fear, and you believe it, without any inquiry into the fact. You see, that his return to power suddenly turns Exchanges against you; that it lowers the value of funded property; that it deranges commercial affairs; that it produces distress and ruin. And why? Not because he has done any thing to pro duce such effects; but because his presence is an object of terror to those, whom' you are willing to aid in the renewal of war. It is you, therefore, and not he, who have been the real cause of those evils on account of which you bear him such implacable resentment. To a similar cause; that is, to delusion, to credulity, to unfounded fears, to prejudice deeply implanted by the never-ceasing falshoods of a press; free only as the organ of a crafty and corrupt faction, and which has long closed up the eyes and ears of reason, of candour, and of justice. To this cause is also to be ascribed your hostility to those, who are labouring to obtain a Reform in the Common's House of Par Henry the Fourth, has furnished France with five kings. Of the first we have spoken. The second, Louis XIII. was oppressor and persecutor of his people from the beginning to the end of his reign. The third, Louis XIV. besides his wars of aggression and of conquest; besides his attempts to create civil war in England and to dethrone the Protestant family settled here by law; besides his thousands of acts of oppression on his people in general, signalized his reign by the most atrocious religious persecution. He caused thousands of his subjects to suffer the cruellest tortures on account of their religion, and finally he drove forth hundreds of thousands into foreign lands, whither they carried their arts, sciences, industry and virtue. The fourth, Louis XV. endeavoured to excite civil war in this country and to dethrone our lawful sovereign. He delegated his tyranny to his mistresses, who sold Letters de Cachet to the highest bidders, and who filled the prisons, in all parts of France, with the victims of state suspicion, or of private envy, jealousy, or revenge. The fifth, Louis XVI. who has been so much eulogized, abolished no cruel law, diminished no profligate expence, removed no odious badge, took off no oppressive burden, and, even after the meeting of the States General, objected for a long while, to the abolition of Letters de Cachet. But, as to what the govern-liament, and amongst whom, if you saw ment of the Bourbons was, even under Louis XVI. rely not upon my word; take the Account of Mr. ARTHUR YOUNG, Secretary to the Board of Agriculture, who spent three successive summers in France in collecting his facts, who wrote down his observations upon the spot, who visited every part of France, who had free access to the best sources of information, and who was, perhaps, for the nature of his pursuits, from his stock of general knowledge, and from the extent of his talents, as well qualified for the task as any man living. Take the account of Mr. YOUNG; gather (any one of you) your family around you; read to them this account of the degradation and sufferings of the people under the insults and cruelties of the Bourbon government; and, then, when your daughters have listened with streaming eyes and your sons with boiling indignation, then tell them, if you can, that you will chearfully spend a part of their fortunes in another attempt to re-establish the Bourbons. your real interests, you would be the most zealous and persevering. This is a subject, which will now force itself upon pub lic attention. It must be discussed; in a few years it must be brought to issue; and, if it come upon you unawares and is imperfectly understood, the fault shall not be mine. It has long been a fashion amongst you, which you have had the complaisance to adopt at the instigation of a corrupt press, to call every friend of reform, every friend of freedom, a Jacobin, and to accuse him of French principles. For my part, though I wish the French people great prosperity and happiness, and wish to see them receive all the praise due to their matchless deeds in arms and to their progress in the sciences and arts, I am Ènglishman enough to deny them any share in the honour of having a claim to the Prin ciples, to which I allude, and which you so incessantly censure. What are these principles? That governments were made |