And what are these endeavours? What are their objects? We are accused of endeavouring to create confusion in the country. Is the abolishing of scenes of drunkenness and riot; the putting an end to

for the people, and not the people for go- | in their exile by the derision and the cavernments. That sovereigns reign legally lumnies of men more interested than themonly by virtue of the people's choice.- selves in the success of their endeavours. That birth without merit ought not to command merit without birth.-That all men ought to be equal in the eye of the law. That no man ought to be taxed or punished by any law to which he has not given his assent by himself or by his repre-bribery, corruption, the basest venality, sentative. That taxation and representation ought to go hand in hand. That every man ought to be judged by his peers, or equals.-That the press ought to be free.

Now, I should be glad to know, how these came to be French principles. It is sometimes said, that the French learnt them, or, as the expression is," imbibed" them in America. The Americans, to be sure, have most wisely and virtuously acted upon these principles; but, the principles are the growth of England. Ten thousand times as much has been written on the subject in England as in all the rest of the world put together. Our books are full of these principles. You can read nothing: law, history, poetry, divinity, romance; nothing, without meeting with these principles. There is not a single political principle which you denominate French, which has not been sanctioned by the struggles of ten generations of Euglishmen, the names of many of whom you repeat with veneration, because, apparently, you forget the grounds of their fame. To Tooke, Burdett, Cartwright, and a whole host of patriots of England, Scotland and Ireland, imprisoned or banished, during the administration of Pitt, you can give the name of Jacobins, and accuse them of French principles. Yet, not one principle have they ever attempted to maintain that Hampden and Sydney did not seal with their blood.

and the most barefaced perjury; the prevention of the sale and barter of seats; the insuring of the return to parliament of men in whom the people have confidence; the making of those men wholly independent of the Crown and its ministers; the opening of the House to all men in exact proportion to their merit, their talents, and their natural weight in society: are these likely to create confusion? Would the nation be plunged into confusion by thirty or forty of you being placed in the House instead of an equal number of those men who borrow their qualifications? Do you think, that you are not as capable of deciding upon laws as the present repre- « sentatives of the Boroughs are? Do you think, can you think, that the places and pensions enjoyed by these men, add to your safety and prosperity? Do you think, that the sinecures of the late Marquis of Buckingham, of Lord Camden, of Lord Arden, of Lord Grenville, of the Roses, and of hundreds of others, are necessary to the protection of your property? Do you think, that the enormous charges of the Civil List, rising in amount every year, are necessary to the security of the funds? Do you think it an honour to you to be obliged to yield part of the fortunes of your own children to support whole families of the penny-less children of the Aristocracy, which latter, after all, look upon your children as their inferiors? Do you think, that if this drain upon the fruit When that victim of a tyrannical court of your industry were stopped, such stopand a corrupt and bloody Judge, the gal-page would have a tendency to create conlant Sydney, was brought to the place of execution, the cheeks of the crowd were bathed in tears, and sobs and cries were heard in all directions; "Yet," exclaims the indignant historian, "not a hand was "raised to save him, or to carry a dagger "to the heart of his murderers!" If this historian had lived 'till our day, he would not only have seen the champions in the cause of freedom suffer without support and without compassion, but would have seen them followed to their dungeons or

fusion?

The truth is, that you see all these evils as plainly as I do. You wish them removed; but you have a sort of vague dread, that any change in the system would endanger your property. Your support of the system is the consequence of that timidity, which is natural to, and almost inseparable from, wealth. This is, however, a motive of action, which you are ashamed to acknow-ledge; and, therefore, putting a good face upon the matter, you join in the cry against

Jacobins and Reformers, and openly espouse the cause of those whom in secret you hate.

Now, suppose, that any one of you rich merchants had a cancer in the cheek, and, upon your proposing to send for a surgeon to endeavour to take it out, some one were to say: "Don't let any one "meddle with it. You have been doing "very well with this cancer. You have 66 grown rich as a prince while this cancer

But, has it never occurred to you, that confusion may be produced, and much ore terrible confusion, from the want of timely Reform? Has your timidity never suggested this to you? It is many years since Lord Chatham said, that, "if Re-"has been going on; therefore, the can"form did not come from within, it would cer has been the cause of your growing 66 come from without with a vengeance." "rich; therefore, the cancer is a good Have you never thought, for a moment, on "thing; therefore, you ought to preserve the sort of confusion, which such a reform" the cancer." Suppose this were said to would produce?

From a reform, such as the Constitution warrants us in demanding; from a peaceable and legal reform, leaving Crown, Peers, and Church untouched in their several prerogatives, privileges and possessions, but giving to the people a real and free choice of their own House of Parliament; from such a reform no confusion could possibly arise; because the people, knowing that they had freely chosen their representatives, would necessarily have confidence in them, and would chearfully submit to all their decisions. But, from a reform, produced by the final bursting forth of the angry passions and long-harboured resentments, what is not to be feared? The friends of peace, of order, of the safety of property, are, therefore, those who endeavour to promote a timely reform; and the real enemies of these are those who resist that reform.

you, would you not spurn the ass from your presence? Yet, would this surpass in folly the belief, that rotten Boroughs, Bribery, Corruption, Sinecures and wanton Wars have caused commerce and agriculture to flourish?

If any thing could be wanted to shew the absurdity of such notions as these, you need only look at America. There, in the space of thirty years, a greater increase of population, a greater improvement in arts and sciences, a great increase of agricultural and commercial wealth, have taken place, than in any other country in the space of three centuries. There we have seen a commercial marine, not much less in magnitude than our own, rise up in the same short space of time. There we see a military marine, which is already become formidable even to England, and commanded and managed in a way to excite our envy. There we see rich merIt is often said, that the nation has be- chants and manufactures in prodigious come very great under the Borough-sys-numbers. There we see, not great and tem. That wonderful improvements have elegant cities enlarged and improved, but taken place in agriculture, in all the absolutely created. There we see new sciences and arts; that new roads, new roads, canals and bridges, and millions canals, new bridges have been made; that of acres of wilderness changed into cornmanufactures and commerce have flourish fields. And, yet, there we see a governed; that wealth has increased; that mer-ment, purely representative from the botchants have grown enormously rich. tom to the top; there we see every man, Shallow as this is, it has produced great paying a tax, having a voice in the choos effect; and no wonder, when we consider, ing those who impose the taxes. There, that it has been trumpeted forth by nine- at the head of as great a number of peotenths of the press for the last thirty years.ple as Great Britain contains, we see a The nation has grown rich while the Bo- President, chosen for four years, with a rough-system has been going on; there- salary of less than six thousand pounds, fore, the Borough-system has been the not more than a sixth part of Lord Camcause of the nation's growing rich; there-den's sinecure. And, with this proof be fore, the Borough-system is a good thing; therefore, we ought to support the Borough system, with all its notorious bribery, corruption, and perjury, the proofs of which are produced, in black and white, in such multitudes at every general election.

fore you, are you still to be made to believe, that commercial prosperity is promoted by a Borough-system and by expensive government? Are you still to be made believe, that your property would be endangered by the putting an end to

bribery, corruption, and perjury? If you | Allied armies are about to undertake? are, to reason with you is useless. You are destined passively to be carried along by the current of those events, which is daily and hourly becoming stronger and stronger, and which the Borough-faction will not be able to resist.

WM. COBBETT.

CONSEQUENCES OF A WAR WITH FRANCE.

They are going to contend against the greatest military genius in the world, who is to fight for his own existence. This is an important circumstance. It is his life that is to be the object of the war, and for which he is to be made to fight; and who does not know the strength of this extraordinary motive! Such is the first stroke of the wisdom of the Allies, who by this declaration have given to Napoleon, a great accession of real power. But NaMR. COBBETT.-I never had any doubts poleon is not alone; he is at the head of 3 about the wishes of the Allied Powers to or 400,000 veteran troops, strongly atgo to war against France. When we con- tached to their General, fighting on their sider the rooted hatred which the corrupt native land, for the right to choose their Governments of Europe bear against li- own government and chief. They burn berty and the rights of men, how could for revenge, they feel how much they have we imagine for a moment that they would been insulted, and remember how often suffer France to remain in a state of peace, they have triumphed over the same kind to form her own constitution, which will of coalitions. Add to all this, upwards of be too favourable to that liberty which 2,000,000 of National Guards, contendthey always detest. The wars against the ing for the same cause, on the same soil, French Republic, the recent war against and under the impulse of the same aniAmerica, and the approaching war against mating and powerful motives. Is not France, are all founded on the same bad France alone, thus circumstanced, able to principles and passions. In the name of the resist the world? But if we further add holy and undivided Trinity, the Allies now the King of Naples with his 100,000 Neagain arm themselves and make public politans and some other states, which declarations of their intentions. This is have been offended by the Congress at another coalition of the old regular cor- Vienna, it appears next to impossible that rupt governments, against the rights of the Allied Powers should succeed. The men to choose their own constitution and French are not ignorant Barbarians, but rulers. The French have unequivocally an enlightened people, who know the difdeclared in favour of Napoleon, who now ference between liberty and slavery, bereigns, if any monarch ever did reign, by tween choosing their own government, the will of his people. He has also shown and having one imposed upon them by himself auxious to preserve general tran- foreign armies. Let us not forget who are quility, and is willing to abide by the least the aggressors and invaders on this occa→ favourable terms that can be proposed to sion. If it should be the Allies, (which him, by the Treaty of Paris. What can I hope will not be the case,) and if these we do more? And is it possible to think should happen to meet with defeat, let us that the French nation, powerful and en- not afterwards be told of the tyranny and lightened as they are, will be insulted with cruelty of Bonaparte when he invades their impunity? The High Allied parties, how- territories and capitals in return. Though ever, seems to be solemnly engaged, with decidedly the approbation of the French the assistance of the Trinity, "never to People, yet Napoleon is held up as in outlay down their arms; until the object law. After the Declaration of the High "of the war shall have been attained"; Contracting Parties, what if the Empethat is, not until Bonaparte the choice of ror of France succeed, and demolish his people, shall be dethroned, and inca- the continental governments of Europe! pacitated from doing further mischief. But whether we prosper in a military Why has not experience, severe experience, point of view, or not, it is certain that our taught the Allies the lesson of modesty. debt and taxes must be greatly increased. Do they not know that he has entered Are the people of England desirous of entheir Capitals as a Conqueror? And who tering into a contest so unjust in its obwill venture to say that he will not act theject, and so ruinous in its consequences? same tragedy again? What is it, that the If there ever was a time, when the people

corruption is, that we must go to War to attempt to pull him down. I say attempt, for he is now firmer on his throne than ever he was before. The French people have tried one whom the Allies presented. to them; but, after the elapse of ten months, they have shewn to the World that they like the Detested Napoleon better than Louis the Desired, whom they have bid to fly. I say firmer, because Napoleon has agreed to accept such a Constitution as will unite all parties, particularly if another invasion of France is attempted, for that will cement those parties which have now united so strongly that Death alone will be able to separate them. But why should we go to War? Has Napoleon threatened to invade our counti, or to infringe on our liberties, or even on those of our Allies? No; his language 74 Peace with all. Why then should we zo to War? Peruse the Hireling prints, thi Ministerial speeches, and still inquire, Wy must we go to war? The reason may be, that Napoleon is not of Royal blood, and those that have not that blessed blood are not considered capable of holding the reins of any Government; and why? because the Sovereigns of Europe are supposed to be possessed of Wisdom, of Magnanimity, of Generosity, of Humanity, and of Virtue so great that no one that has not Royal'

MR. COBBETT We have heard of the tyrannizing, oppressive Napoleon, from whom mothers were ready to tear his eyes for dragging their sons to battle; whom every man abhorred; whose rash actions made even the soldiers wish for another leader; whom, in fact, every person, man, woman, and child, hated and detested; and the pulling down of whom we prided ourselves on, because Frenchmen wished it, and because we wished them to be able to make free choice of a Ruler. While influenced by armies, in the heart of their country, they fixed on Louis the Desired.. "Happy, happy Frenchmen! the day he “ came to sit on your throne. Happy, "happy Frenchmen! the day the Tyrant << was hurled from his throne, which gave 66 you a free choice." Such was the lan-blood flowing in their veins can possess it. guage of almost every one; not only in this but in other countries.--Napoleon goes to Elba; the foreign armies are withdrawn from France, and the Emperors, Kings, and Ambassadors are found quarrelling about the division of conquered countries at Vienna. Napoleon once more appears in that land which, it is said, he ruled with a rod of iron; not, however, with six hundred thousand men, but with hardly six hundred. He marches towards the Capital without opposition; arriving within twenty miles of it, he hears that a hundred thousand are sent to oppose him; he counts his army, which is increased to sixty thousand; he leads them, not to battle, but in an open carriage he approaches the supposed enemy; at the sight of whom the cry of Vive l'Empereur resounded from rank to rank; the people of Paris flocked to him, and this Detested being, this Tyrant, this Demon, as he is called, was hailed with joy by upwards of 200 thousand Frenchmen, who followed him to the Capital.-Yet the language of

But wherefore go to war with France because she will not have Royalty and all its virtues? If the French people do not wish to have one of the Royal Brood; if they do not wish to have a wise man at the head! of their Government, let them have a fool; if they wish not to have a generous, paternal, humane, Magnanimous, and Virtuous Sovereign let them have, if they will, a cruel, mean-spirited, wicked wretch; if they are fond of tyranny, let them have a tyrant: and as long as ever such a character as that keeps peace with us, what shall we gain by going to war with him? But, Sir, Napoleon's character will ever rank high in the annals of History; he will ever be considered as a Great Man. It is jea lousy which is the real cause of the War with which we are threatened. Are not the advocates of war angry that the French people should dare to dispute their right of choosing a Ruler for them? Are they not a little angry that Napoleon shou'. have surpassed them in Magnanimity an! Generosity? for can we forget, that th

moment it was known Bonaparte had set his foot on the sands of Frejus, the Bourbons proclaimed him throughout the country a Rebel, a Traitor, whose Head was forfeited. We know, however, that he reascended the throne in spite of all these proclamations, and that when one of his Generals took a Noble Duke prisoner and informed him of it, he said "Guard him "to the coast, set him off, but take care "that he is well treated." Was this done as a reward for the kind treatment part of his family are now receiving in being marched as prisoners to Hungary?-Are not the enemies of Napoleon also jealous at his having surpassed them in tolerance of Religion, and in the Freedom of the Press? When we look at Bigoted Spain, with our Beloved Ferdinand at her head, and consider the rapid strides that Louis was making to re-establish popery with all its appendages, who can say that the conduct of Napoleon did not put them to shame when he said, Let Religion be frec; let the Press be free. Are not his enemies likewise jealous that he has surpassed them in humanity? What was the answer of Spain when requested to Abolish the Slave Trade? What was the answer in general of the Allies? Why some wanted ten, some two, and even the humane Louis himself could not Abolish it under five years; yet Napoleon, with one breath, exclaims, Slavery shall be no more encouraged by France; she shall have nought to do with slavery. Jealousy is, I own, a poor excuse for deluging the Continent with blood, and most likely it will be disowned as the reason. If it is, we must recollect that we said, We fought before for the Independence of Nations, for the SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. What then, must we go to war to pull down those principles which we have spilt so much blood to set up? What, must we dictate to the French Nation what Ruler we please? What, must we force on, them a King which they declare they cannot love and will not obey? No; while Napoleon Bonaparte, the present Emperor of Near the landing-place the most prominent ob France, acts wisely, prudently, and just-ject is a newly erected gandy crucifix; the figure ly, he will reign even if all the Powers of Europe league against him. But putting justice and equity out of the question, it will be in vain we squander our money, in vain we shed our blood, in endeavouring to put on the throne Louis the Desired. I remain, Sir,

PRESENT STATE OF FRANCE.

(Continued from Page 476.)

One of the principal objects which the Revolution in France had effected, was the overthrow of the reign of superstition, and the subversion of the paralyzing influence of priestcraft; an influence which has proved more fatal to the progress of useful knowledge and of liberty, than all other causes combined. After the dearbought experience which the Bourbon family had had; after the fatal error into which they had been led; after the depth of misery into which they had been plunged by the implicit contidence they reposed in the clergy, and the thoughtless manner in which they gave themselves up to their controul, one would have thought, on their restoration to the throne of France, whatever may have been their own private sentiments as to religion, that they would have been careful to avoid every thing tending to disquiet the inhabitants, or to excite in their minds apprehensions of a restoration of that spiritual tyranny under which the sovereign as well as the people had, for so many ages, groaned. But a strange infatuation seems to have seized the Bourbons. Every where their return to power was attended with the return of bands of monks, friars, and other religious fraternities, all armed with determined resolution to re-assume their former usurped authority over the human mind. Although the measures which had been taken in France to rid that delightful country of these infamous pests, rendered it a dangerous experiment to restore them at once, as the beloved Ferdinand had done in Spain, to the plenitude of their power, it will be seen by what Mr. Birk beck* says on the subject of religion, that the steps authorized by the new government were calculated to lead to this, and to create a general alarm throughout the country. On his arrival at Dieppe, an object of superstition was among the first that presented itself:

A FRIEND

large as life, aud painted flesh colour; a naked body, writhing in tortare: the Virgin Mary be neath in gay attire, and a crown surmounting all. Snch exhibitions must excite horror and disgust; any thing but reverence.

This gentleman's name was printed Birbeck TO PEACE, JUSTICE, AND EQUITY. by mistake in a former Number of the Register.

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