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England. You see clearly why it is that people migrate to France; and, as this migration cannot take place in time of wear, this is one of the reasons why the war-faction are so eager to push the country on into that state, without any consideration as to the consequence which that war may produce.

Mrs. Bull, and a carriage too, my "dear." "Yes," replies he, "and lay "by something too for the little Bulls. "And, besides, we shall have no poorrates or tythes to pay." They soon get rid of their odds and ends; off they go to France, leaving behind them an order to send them their income, and also leaving behind them their share of the poor-rates and other taxes to be paid by those who remain, and leaving their maid-servant, their taylor, shoe-maker, bricklayer, car-nufactures. They have seen how manupenter, butcher, baker, &c. to find, where they can, other customers to supply their place.

But, they have other reasons, one of which is of the same sort. They say, that France presents an enticing field for Ma

factories have risen up in America. They have seen, that, in a very few years, the cotton and woollen manufactories of America have so rapidly increased as almost to

I am sure you all clearly understand this. You clearly see the reason for peo-shut out those of England. They know ple migrating to France; you see how this migration throws others out of work, and how it lessens the number of persons who pay the taxes, and you see, that they would not migrate to France, if the means of living were not cheaper in France than in England. But, as I am not so sure, that you clearly perceive the cause of these low prices in France compared with the prices in England, I will explain that cause to you as briefly as I am able.

that this great change in the commercial affairs of the world has arisen from the migration of English manufacturers to America. They know, that as much food can be bought in France for a shilling as in England for two or three shillings; and, they say, that France being so near, it will be impossible, in time of peace, to prevent manufacturers and machine-makers from going to France. They say, that thus France, instead of England, will supAll the necessaries of life are dearer in ply the rest of Europe with what are now England than in France, because the Taxes called English manufactures. They say, are heavier in England than they are in that hundreds of manufacturers and artiFrance. For instance, suppose the go-zans went over in the last year, even under vernment to take six-pence tax upon every the Bourbons, and that now, when they pair of stockings, the maker must sell them are sure to enjoy complete religious lisix-pence a pair dearer than he did before.berty, without any predominant church, We pay twenty shillings a bushel for salt; the migration would be by thousands. but, if there were no tax upon salt, we should not pay above three or four shillings a bushel. The tax is, I believe, 16s. a bushel, and then there is the charge of the maker for the interest of the money advanced in the amount of the tax. For ale you pay at Nottingham, I suppose, 6d. a quart, Winchester measure. Malt, which now sells for 10s. a bushel, pays 4s. 6d. a bushel in tax. To this must be added the tax paid by the brewer on the Ale. To this also must be added the innumerable taxes paid by the farmer out of the price of his Barley. If you put all these together, you will see what it is that makes your Ale cost 6d. a quart. If one country pays upon every article twice as much in taxes as another country, it is very evident that living in the former must cost twice as much as it costs in the latter.

Now, then, you see clearly why things are cheaper in France than they are in

Therefore, they wish for war, seeing that, during a war, no migration can take place. They know, that there are laws to prevent artizans and manufacturers from migrating to any country; but, they also know, that it is next to impossible to enforce those laws. They know that such laws only make the desire to migrate the more keen. They know, in short, that such laws are not more efficient than would be a law or proclamation to prevent birds from flying from one grove to another; and that nothing but a complete and forcible obstruction will answer the purpose.

Another motive with the war-faction, and, perhaps, the most powerful of all, is, to prevent the people of England from witnessing the effects of a free government in France. In France Napoleon has agreed that the people shall be really represented in the Legislature; that no tax shall be imposed without the people's free

consent. In France there are no tythes. In France there is no predominant Church. The war-faction fear the effect of this example. They say, that this state of things has arisen out of a Democratic Revolution. They say, that for the people of England to have this continually before their eyes is very dangerous. They say, as the newspapers said, in the case of America, we ought to go to war; we ought to keep on war; we ought to have no peace; we ought to send Lord Wellington and all our army to fight and burn and destroy in America, until MR. MADISON be deposed; until this "mis"chievous example of the success of de"mocratical rebellion be annihilated." Until this was done, they said, that the world could have no real peace. Until this was done, they said, that no regular government was safe. Until this was done, they said, that the English government would remain in jeopardy every

hour.

be reduced, in such a degree as to bring English prices and French prices nearer, at any rate, to a level. And, if they were to enter upon this inquiry, they would soon discover, that so desirable an end is not to be advanced by war. It is, in fact, by war that our prices have been raised to such a height as to induce people to migrate: and, yet, strange infatuation! they would cure the evil by more war!

For twenty-two years previous to the late wars against France, the average price of the quartern loaf in England was fivepence. During the twenty-two years from the commencement of that war to this time, the average price of the quartern loaf in England has been a little more than elevenpence. This has been occasioned by the augmentation of the taxes. The whole of the taxes, upon an average of years, for twenty-two years before those wars, amounted to less than twenty millions a year. Since those wars began, they have, upon an average, amounted to more than forty millions a year. Thus, you see, that high prices arise from taxation, that taxa. tion arises out of war; and, yet, in order to prevent us from migrating to France in scareh of low prices, this faction would have more war, whereby more taxes will be imposed and still higher prices occa sioned.

This faction are dreadfully alarmed at the description which travellers give us of the happy state of France. While the war lasted, the people of England were kept wholly in the dark as to this matter. You will bear in mind, my friends of Nottingham, what the war-faction told us upon this head. They told us, that all was misery in France; that the people were in But, not only has war made high prices the last stage of wretchedness; that they up to this time: it will continue to make were become very poor in consequence prices high in England for ages to come; of the taxes imposed by Napoleon; that because, besides the taxes which have there was no able men left to till the land; been raised and expended on account of that the people hated Napoleon, and only war, there have been loans made to the sought an opportunity to cast off his yoke; amount of 600 millions, the bare interest that, in short, the country was become a of which does, I believe, exceed the whole wilderness. Strange transition! They amount of all the taxes collected in France, now want war to prevent the people of upon almost three times the number of England from migrating to that wilder-people. In short, such has been the efness! They now want war to prevent us fect of the late wars with us, that our from seeking happiness in climes of such peace taxes were to have been sixty milmisery! They want war to prevent Eng-lions a year, whereas our peace taxes, belishmen from being captivated with the effects of tyranny!

fore the war against France, were sixteen millions a year. And yet this faction would make us believe, that, to render us happy and safe at home, it is necessary to have more war! hi

From what has been said, it is clear, I think, that the alarms of the war-faction arise, in a great degree, from the known cheapness of living in France compared If, unhappily, we are now to begin war with the price of living in England. It is again, the taxes must be not only as great, also, I think, clear, that the comparative but much greater, than they have been behigh prices in England arise from our fore; because, though the expenditure heavy taxes. The way, then, for rational should not be greater on account of the war, men to go to work to prevent further mi-loans must still be made, and taxes must be gration, is, to inquire how our taxes may raised to pay the interest of them. The

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upon this important subject, to endeavour Austria first compelled France to unsheath to enlighten others whom we see in error, the sword, the same Assembly declared, and thus to deserve no part of that reproach" that the French people, faithful to the which will justly fall upon those who "principles of its constitution, which forshall have been instrumental in the utter "bid it every kind of conquest, and from ruin of our country.. "arming against the liberty of any people, You will please to observe, that I am "is now arming only for its own freedom, very far from thinking, that we can live in its independence, and its sovereignpeace with France, unless we change our 'ty.”—It is true, these principles were system. With taxes to the amount of afterwards departed from; but this was Šixty millions a year, while France is in not the spontaneous act of the French goher present state, we never can live in vernment. It was not with them a matter peace with her and retain our greatness. of choice when they proclaimed "peace People, who are able to remove, never "to the cottage and war to the palace." will long continue to walk on foot on this We must look to the Duke of Brunswick's side of the water, if they can ride in Manifesto for the cause of this.-Here incoaches on the other. Where the rich deed we shall find enough to palliate, if are, thither will go those arts which the not to justify, all the subsequent hostile rich support. I am well aware of all this; proceedings of France against her external but, it is not by war that I would endea- enemies, and all the dreadful convulsions vour to keep Englishmen at home. By with which she was so long agitated interpeace, by œconomy, by reducing the mili-nally. The inhabitants of cities, towns, tary establishment, by conciliatory laws," or villages, who shall dare to defend and especially by a constitutional Reform " themselves against the troops of their in the Commons' House of Parliament, I" Imperial and Royal Majesties, and fire would make Englishmen feel; I would " upon them either in the open country, not tell them, but I would make them feel," or from the windows, doors, or other that there was nothing for them to envy," openings of their houses, shall be puor to seek after, in France, in America, "nished on the spot with all the rigour of or in any other country upon earth. "martial law, and their houses shall be With that respect to which your good" pulled down or burnt."—"The city of sense and public spirit entitle you from all your countrymen,

I remain your friend,
WM. COBBETT.

Botley, May 2, 1815.

"Paris and all its inhabitants without dis"tinction shall be bound without the "smallest delay, to submit to the king, to "set him at full and perfect liberty, and

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secure to him, as also to all the royal "persons of his family, the inviolability "and respect which, according to the "laws of nature and of nations, are due " from subjects to their sovereigns; their "Imperial and Royal Majesties declaring, that all the members of the National As"sembly, of the departments, districts, municipalities, national guards, justices "of the peace, and all other persons whatsoever, shall be answerable with their "lives and fortunes for all events; tried " by martial law, and punished without hopes of pardon; their said Majesties "further declaring, upon the faith and

WAR AGAINST FRANCE. MR. COBBETT,-You have already, and most ably shewn, that there exists, at this period, a striking similarity between the invasion of France in 1792, and that which is again threatened in 1815.-In nothing" is the resemblance more obvious than in the pacific and moderate language now used by Napoleon, and that employed by the National Assembly when it met to determine this great question, whether the right of making war and peace belonged to the king or to the nation? Having decided" word of an emperor and of a king, in favour of the exclusive right of the peo- "That if the palace of the Thuilleries ple, they decreed, "that the French na"shall be forced or insulted, if the least "tion formally disclaims all wars from "violence, the least outrage shall be of"motives of ambition, or views of con- "fered to their Majesties the King and quest; and engages never to employ" Queen, or the Royal Family; if provi"her forces against the liberty of any other "sion shall not be made immediately for people. Even when the conduct of "their safety, their preservation, and their

liberty, they will take a signal and me

to France, would again become French, "morable vengeance, by delivering up the" and the triumphant eagles would again

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en

(6 city of Paris to military execution and carry beyond the Rhine, the Alps, and "complete subversion: and the revolters," the Pyrenees, the independence and the "who shall have given occasion for such emancipation of nations. But if the vengeance, to the just punishment of "nation is respected, if her rights are not "their crimes." Such are the 7th and "contemned, all her energy will subside 8th articles of that humane Manifesto, "into the only wish which she formswhich served as a signal to rouse, and to "that of a free Constitution. Then all render furious the minds of almost the "France may proudly repeat what Plin whole population of France, and which," said to Trajan, If we have a Prince, it instead of tending to preserve the life of "is to preserve us from having a master.” the unfortunate monarch, hastened his It is much to be regretted, that there are conveyance to the scaffold. The Times so few who are capable of justly apprecinewspaper asserts, that "it is not histori- ating the causes of the war of 1793, or of 66 cally true that the Duke of Brunswick's that with which we are now threatened. "Manifesto occasioned the failure of the The ignorance generally prevailing on this "first invasion of France."-Critically subject, seems to arise from the implicit respeaking, it may be that the mere publica- liance that is placed in the statements of tion of this document had not that effect; our newspaper press, the sole object of but it is also true that the measures pur- which is to obscure truth, to paralyze the sued by the Allies, which were exactly in mind, and to excite the ferocious passions the spirit of the Manifesto, were the cause of cannibals, who delight in war because of their armies being driven from the soil it satiates their thirst for human blood.of France, and of the war being after- How few are there, of the present day, wards carried into the bosom of their own that have any recollection of that " territory. The object of the Times writer thusiasm" which animated Frenchmen, was to make it be believed, that the De- when the soil of France was first invaded; claration of the Allies against Napoleon, how comparatively few are to be found, would not occasion any new disaster, in that are any way acquainted with those case they should again enter France. The individual traits of valour and attachment disgraceful termination of the campaign to liberty, which a former violation of her which followed the Duke of Brunswick's territory called forth amongst that brave Manifesto, is sufficiently conclusive as to and gallant people. France was then its effects; and although the new fulmina- fighting for freedom, for independence, and tion against the "rebel and his adherents," for sovereignty. She is now arming in the is not so bloody in its aspect, though same sacred cause. It was the efforts of equally sanguinary, its consequences must her citizens that then insured her the vicbe, indeed already have been, to unite tory. Why may not similar efforts again all the energies of the French nation in crown her with new triumphs?-The sasupport of Napoleon." It is not justice tellites of corruption tell us, that Napoleon 66 (says the Gazette de France), which has no regular army, and that he is desti<< arms the Sovereigns of Europe, but pas-tute of every thing necessary to fit one ❝sion and anger. Let them beware: all "the coalitions directed against France "for twenty years were unsuccessful, "whilst they presented only a confedera"tion of Princes, and not a league of na66 tions, and whilst France remained con"centrated in herself, and was united by 66 a national will. Let them not then re"vive in France the frenzy of 1793. The "same violation of her territory, the least "insult to the moral character of the na"tion, would produce the same enthu66 siasm, the same exasperation, and the same vengeance. Soon all the provinces, "which, during twenty years, were united

out. Be it so. It was not by regular armies that France vanquished her enemies in 1793; it was not by Swiss guards, nor by mercenary troops, that she carried terror into the ranks of her invaders. It was the energies of an undisciplined, an almost unarmed population, animated by the enthusiasm of liberty, indignant at the haughty threat of punishing the defenders of their country, and resolved to revenge the insults offered to the national honour, that delivered France from the terrible state of degradation with which she was then threatened. A departure from first principles, subsequently placed her, in