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some measure, at the mercy of her inva- | nerable to all attacks that could be made ders; but although she was believed to be against her?-I admit that the Volunteers overcome, the spirit of independence was of France will have no dominant church, not subdued. It was only in appear-no overgrown nobility, to fight for, beance she yielded for a moment, that cause every religion in that country is she might derive new life, new vigour, to alike protected, and because the division resist her assailants. Of what consequence of property is more equalized than before is it, then, whether France has regular ar- the Revolution. But they will have much mies or not; whether her forces are train- more powerful stimulants. They will have ed to battle; whether they wear red coats, equality of rights to contend for; they yellow coats, or green? The whole popu- will have that admirable code of laws lation are resolved, like the Americans which Napoleon consolidated, those be in the late war, "to defend their country, nevolent institutions which he established, "or to perish in the contest." The spirit those unrivalled specimens of the fine arts which enabled these patriots to combat so which he collected, those extensive nasuccessfully for liberty, and to triumph tional improvements which he created and over those who threatened their indepen-patronized. All this, and the integrity of dence, now animates all Frenchmen. Nor has Napoleon neglected to take advantage of this noble feeling, to which he has given a direction similar to that which, even in this country, is said to have, at one period, baffled his designs against us, and to have saved us from a foreign domination. Independent of the National Guards, estimated at two millions of men, corps of volunteers are every where forming in France, who are not, as with us, to wear gaudy uniforms, and, in all cases, are to serve without pay. If this species of military defence was regarded of such vast importance here; if to the Volunteers of Great Britain we are now indebted for the possession of our invaluable Constitution, of the whole of that "Social System," those ancient, those sacred, those venerable institutions, in which our fathers so much delighted, and which they took so much pains to hand down unimpaired to

But above all,

that delightful country which produces so many comforts for the use of man, the Volunteers of France will have to protect, to defend, and to succour in the hour of danger. They will also have to guard against the return of that system which formerly rendered existence almost into lerable in France, and tended only to increase the luxuries of an insolent nobility, and to augment the power of a contempti ble race of monarchs. these brave defenders of their country will have to protect it against the encroachments of the priesthood, who, more than any other set of men, have desolated France, and subjected the sovereign as well as the people to the most degrading and abject slavery. These are objects worthy the attention of every people. Without these, life is not worth having. To defend them to the last extremity, is what constitutes real patriotiзm; and when If to these ardent and patriotic sup- a nation is once convinced, as it appears to porters of church and state we owe so me the French nation now is, that the war many blessings, is it not reasonable to ex- threatened against her is for the purpose pect that France will feel equal benefit of depriving her of so many advantages, it from the exertions of her volunteers? If can scarcely be a matter of doubt that she we confided our all to them; if it be true will ultimately triumph over all her enethat our embodying this description of mies.-But if this conclusion is fairly force obliged the enemy to abandon his drawn on the supposition that France has intention of invading this country, why no regular army, and must rely upon her should not the Volunteers of France ap- Volunteers and her National Guards, how pear equally terrible to her invaders? much greater must the probability of her Why should not Napoleon have as much success be, when it is recollected that Nareliance upon them as our Government poleon has at this very moment under his had upon our volunteers? And where command, an army of veteran soldiers, is the prospect of the Allies being able to amounting to little short of 300,000 men, subdue France with such an armed force and that they are known to be well equipto oppose them, when it was so confidently ped, and amply supplied with every necesbelieved that a similar force rendered sary for carrying on active operations. Great Britain, even single handed, invul- Supposing it true, that the Allies will be

-us.

able to bring forward double this number; thousand reasons which might be given. supposing that so large a body of Russians, He was the upholder of those laws to which Austrians, Prussians, Saxons, Bavarians, they looked for security and happiness Belgians, English, Swedes, Danes, and the in the undisturbed enjoyment of those Lord knows what; supposing that so he-advantages which the Revolution had given terogeneous a mass could be brought into them. The majority were strangers to the field, to co-operate cordially with each the Bourbons, and had grown up with other; that a general could be found ca- Napoleon, whose brilliant exploits against pable of giving so vast an accumulation of the enemies of France reflecting its lustre discordant materials a proper direction; on his subjects, completely identified this that he was in no risk of being counter- susceptible people with their Emperor, acted in his schemes by the jealousy of whose successes and misfortunes they felt other generals, of equal rank and talents, to be their own. But to shew why Boover whom he might be placed. Supposing naparte is popular in France would be only all this likely to happen, we find that Na- to repeat, what you, Sir, so clearly proved poleon is sufficiently prepared for it." If must be the case, in your letter addressed the enemies of France," says he, "bring to Louis the 18th. Every where, and "600,000 men against her, she will meet among all classes, I found admirers of Na"them with two millions."-Laying out poleon. At Paris, I was told by a Merof view, therefore, the probability that chant, at whose house I visited, (an asserBelgium, that Italy, that Swisserland, that tion which was confirmed by many of his Saxony, that Poland, and that Denmark, guests,) that an immense number of young are friendly to France, and may be prepa- men in that city applied for arms to defend ring to assist her. Making no account of it against the Allies, but that none could this, or of the military operations, already be obtained. Their number was stated at begun, of Murat king of Naples, France 100,000. In several companies, where I has, in my opinion, the means within her- afterwards mentioned this circumstance, self of maintaining her independence; and the answers were, "Oui, Monsieur, c'est `directed, as these means will be, by the "bien vrai." At Fontainbleau, their exiled only man in the world possessing talents Emperor was the subject of the most unfor so great an exertion, France must ul-qualified panegyric. "Ah, Monsieur! c'est timately triumph.-Yours, &c. May 2, 1815.

ARISTIDES.

66 un grand Homme. La France est bien "malheureuse de l'avoir perdu," was the universal answer to any questions concerning him. At a Table d'Hote in that town, I frequently met an elderly Captain who had made the campaign of Russia with Napoleon; he had narrowly escaped with life, and was covered with wounds. The enthusiasm of this veteran soldier for his master, it is impossible to do justice to; but as his popularity with the military has been never called in question, it is needless to retail the words of the Captain.-Why should we not make peace with Bonaparte ?-But he is a violator of treaties, and no confidence can be safely reposed in him.

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. MR. COBBETT,-I was in France last summer nearly ten weeks, and as far as 'my observations extended, I can bear testimony to the truth of Mr. Birkbeck's statements respecting the condition of her peasantry and the cultivation of her soil. It is, therefore, with much pleasure I find this interesting publication is now in its third edition, and that you have enriched your Register by such copious extracts from it. Mr. A. Young's account of the state of France under Louis the 16th, and Mr. B's book, ought to be read by every person in Great Britain, since a want of sufficient information on this subject, coupled with the ceaseless attempts of a lying press to blacken the character of Napoleon, have the unfortunate effect of reconciling the people to a renewal of the war against that celebrated character. It is impossible that Napoleon should not be popular with the present race of Frenchmen, for aally leaguing against their conqueror, and

This only appears clear to those who have never read the French side of the question. How does it appear that he broke the peace of Amiens, which we concluded with him? Was it not the refusal of the English to give up Malta, after that Island had been conceded to France, which occasioned the renewal of the war?-Aided by English money, were not the continental powers continu

the great balance of Europe was about to be adjusted to the nicety of a hair; behold out crept the great Rat from his rock in the ocean, and twirling his tail about, it unluckily struck against one of the evenpoized scales of the great balance that hung over Europe; which scale then kicked the beam, and in a moment overturned the beautiful "order of things so "happily established for the tranquillity of

breaking the treaties they had sworn to to a most happy conclusion, and when preserve with France? To wage war against prospective ambition is proclaiming interminable hostilities. All Sovereigns are more or less ambitious, and circumstances will ever occur to bring this passion into action.-Bonaparte is not of royal origin, and it appears that adversity has taught him moderation. His enemies, on the contrary, have profited nothing from their former reverses; they have completely disappointed the raised expectations" nations." And now, how shall I venof Europe; and viewed as the promoters of assassination, have forfeited all claims on the respect of their people. Let us, however, by all means dictate to the French nation and appoint them a ruler, but at the same time let us be prepared for a national Bankruptcy as the reward of our interference. Yours, &c.

W. R. H.

THE CATS IN COUNCIL. MR. COBBETT, It happened once upon a time, that there lived in the French country, a great Rat, which soon became the terror of almost all the world. Whereupon all the Tom Cats of Europe met together in grand council, and resolved, to spend their last drop of blood in a war against the great Rat of France. It so fell out, however, that the great Rat was too powerful for the Allied Powers, during several years, till at length the great Rat himself, having been burnt out of his hole in the city of Moscow, was conquered in his turn, and condemned to become an exile in the Island of Elba. The High Allied Cats now mewed most gloriously, and resolved once again to assemble, in order, for the last time, to settle the affairs of Europe, and to restore liberty and happiness to a long-afflicted world. All the Mice in Europe were to be divided into exact numbers, and the extent of territories was to be marked out by pencil and compasses. The like to this never before entered into the imagination even of man! So much wisdom and justice were never before exhibited! One would have thought it was an assembly of Gods! Each of their High Mightinesses moved forth in a most pathetic manner, how much he had at heart whatever tended to the public weal! But, alas! how soon the glory of this world fadeth away! Sad to relate, when all things were nearly brought

ture to describe the astonishment of the
august assembly! It requires a master's
hand, and the poet's fire. Each illustrious
member of the grand council, with light-
ning in his eyes, reared up his angry tail
in the affrighted air, and swore by all the
gods at once, that he would never pare his
claws, nor ever shear his whiskers, un-
til the best blood of the great Rat had
copiously flowed, and he was for ever "in-
capacitated from doing further mis-
"chief."
Ever since this memorable
event, loud cries, and tremendous cat-
calls, have been heard from the cold re-
gions of the North to the warm shores of
the Mediterranean. What will be the re-
sult, let no one presume to imagine. It
is sufficient for my ambition that I have
lived to be the simple Historian of these
extraordinary facts.-Yours, &c.

66

May 2, 1815.

A MOUSE.

mon

be

CATS, RATS, AND OTHER VERMINE. MR. COBBETT,-As you are sometimes very minute in your observations, you will not (I hope) be offended with me for the remark I have to make on the debate of Monday. An Honourable Member is reported to have broken out into a very severe censure upon the charge for cuts in the Navy estimates, deeming it " "strous extravagance."-Now if a man out of the Honourable House may allowed to pass his opinion upon this article, I for one, do not think it a monstrous charge by any means; very much the contrary, for I know that the rats are very plenty in some of the Dock-yards. I hope no one will be offended with me for saying so, because it is the truth; and if two guineas' worth of Cats will be a means of clearing them, I am sure the public need not grumble at the expense. Bu the Honourable Secretary

of the Admiralty is reported to have explained the matter very intelligibly, so as to shut out all further difficulty upon it : he informed us that the Cats were in one 1 yard, the Rats in another.-Your papers, Sir, are so full of importance, that I am thankful to you for the least possible space to promulgate my opinions; but I hope you will indulge me with one other remark. -I observe you frequently calling the warfaction prints, especially the Times, to account for their most immoderate abuse of the present Ruler of France as they style him, and I must allow that their abuse is most low, disgusting, and disgraceful to the country by which they are permitted, or perhaps prompted, to deal it out. You call them the miscreant hirelings of the press. Now, whether they are really so or not, I do not take upon me to say; but this I am sure of, that if they were hired by the Emperor himself, they could not take more effectual means to unite and support his influence over the whole people of France; and the strong hold these hirelings have given him, is to him worth any premium he could bestow upon them.If the war, which they so strenuously call for, should take place, they have fortified him, beyond all other possible means, to withstand it. From what motives they do all this, I shall not inquire, but I am positive as to the effect. Yours truly, May 1, 1815. PHILO.

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PETITION OF THE LIVERY OF LONDON.

The petition of this numerous and respectable body against the threatened war with France, was read at length in the House of Commons on the night of its rejection; but I do not find that it has been published in any of our newspapers. I observe that the Courier did not even publish the resolutions passed at the Common Hall, though all the other hireling papers did. Is this to be held a proof of the superiority of our liberty of the press over that of France, of which the Courier is constantly vaunting? Is it in suppressing the reasons against the war, and in publishing those for the war, that this boasted liberty consists? The Editor of the Moniteur has given notice, that he will publish every declaration of foreign powers, however hostile to France, or to the Emperor, whenever they please to transmit them. This looks something like liberty of the press: but with our base and corrupted newspapers, nothing must be admitted into their columns that savours in the least of censure of public measures; while a place is always readily given to every thing, no matter how false and contemptible, that may any way detract from the character of the people and govern

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ment of France. Whenever an exception from this rule occurs, it is interest alone that causes the insertion. The suppression of the Petition of the Livery of London, is not, however, in the present case, so much to be regretted, because in the resolutions of the Common Hall we have essentially the substance of what it may be supposed to have been. These resolutions I have given below; with a report of the speeches, which I have taken from the Morning Herald; not because I consider this the best report that might have been given; but because it is the fullest of any that has appeared. I have likewise subjoined a list of the minorities in the House of Commons who voted for receiving the Petition, and also in support of Mr. Whitbread's motion for peace with Napoleon, Of all the critical periods during the two and twenty years' struggle with France, none of them was so pregnant with consequences so favourable, or so prejudicial, to the cause of general freedom, as the period in which we now live. It is of the utmost consequence, therefore, that those who have hitherto borne the weight of carrying on the war, and must again bear the burden of the new contest, should not only have their eyes opened to the true state of matters, but that they should be acquainted with the names of those Members of Parliament, who have endeavoured to stem the torrent which threatens to overwhelm Europe.

The Common Hall was held on Thursday the 27th ult. The Lord Mayor, after the requisition had been read, addressed the Livery, and intimated, that as far as his authority would go, he should endeavour to procure each speaker silence and orderly attention. Mr. Waithman then stood forward, and said, he had never appeared before the Livery on a more important subject than that he had to propose to them. He did not appear for the purpose of discussing any particular form of government, or the rights of individuals, but it was to recognize the great basis of the Constitution. Twenty years ago, he said, he addressed them on the same question, namely, on the principle of engaging in war without just cause of war. Whatever might be said in other quarters, he could venture to say, the citizens of London did not see the cause of war. The principle he should endeavour to inculcate

was, that all interference with the domestic affairs of any other country ought to be disclaimed, because it was on that priuciple the British Constitution, proceeding from the glorious revolution, was established. Mr. Waithman then adverted to the treaty of Vienna, and expressed his concern on finding the name of a British Minister affixed to it-all interference with the affairs of France could not be too much deprecated. When this country thought proper to drive King James from the throne, and to establish the present family, what would Englishmen have said had foreign nations interfered? The present family was established by the revolution, and what foreigner dared interfere with our form of government. It was curious to see among the Powers signing the treaty, the Ministers of Austria, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, and Sweden. Some of these had not only restored the Inquisition, but had sanctioned the separation of Norway from Denmark, Genoa from its ancient constitution, and Saxony from its legitimate monarch Such persons were unfit to reform other States; they wanted reformation at home. Mr. Waithman reminded the Livery that they had petitioned against the Property Tax and the Corn Bill; and though their prayers had not been heard, it was most essential they should petition Parliament against the war. He condemned the conduct of the Allies in putting Bonaparte out of the pale of the law. They had no right, he said, to proscribe any individual; such a power. belonged only to the Supreme Being. [Here a most violent clamour ensued; a great number of persons hissed and interrupted Mr. Waithman, exclaimingOff, off! No friends of Bonaparte! &c.] The Lord Mayor then came forward, and silence being obtained, said the Livery would recollect that he was sworn to preserve the peace and public tranquillity, and he was determined to maintain it. As the meeting had been called for a quiet discussion of the subject, they would doubtless give the Speakers on both sides the question an equal chance of being heard. If they did not observe order he should be under the necessity of putting an end to the Common Hall." Mr. Waithman then resumed his arguments against the war, and having condemned the renewal of the Property Tax, and all the

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