war arrangements, concluded amidst loud uproar and interruption, by moving the following resolutions, which embodied nearly the whole of his speech. to interfere in our internal concerns, we cannot but consider any attempt to dietate to France, of to any other country, the form or mode of its Government--the person who shall or shall not be at the head of such Government, or in any way to interfere in its internal policy and regulations, as highly impolitic, and manifestly unjust, and Resolved, That this Common Hall, having recently witnessed the marked disregard shewn to the Petitions from this city, and those of the na-deprecate all attempts to involve this country in tion at large, are the more strongly confirmed in a war for such an object-a war against those the conviction of the corrupt state of the repre- principles, which this nation has ever maintained sentation, and the total want of sympathy in opi and acted upon. nion and feeling between the House of Commons and the people. | Torn by the miseries and calamities of the late devastating war; still tasting the bitter fruits of That these considerations would, under circum- that protracted conflict; and no means having atances of less importance, have deterred us from been adopted to lessen our national burthens, by the exercise of a right which appears to have been those necessary retrenchments in the national exrendered nugatory; but hopeless as we fear it is penditure so earnestly and so repeatedly called again to address that Hon. House, yet, at a crisis for by the people; but, on the contrary, an Act so momentous—when a determination appears to has been passed, restricting the importation of have been so strongly manifested by the Ministers corn, by which a tax is virtually imposed of seve of the Crown again to plunge this devoted coun- ral millions per annum upon food, and entailing try into the horrors of war-we feel it to be an upon us in times of peace one of the greatest evils imperious duty to our country, ourselves, and | produced by the war. Before, therefore, we are posterity, to use every constitutional means to- plunged into another war, and in support of such wards averting from the nation the overwhelming principles, we might ask what has been gaiued by calamities with which it is menaced. the immense sacrifices we have already made? and, contemplating the disastrous consequences of a failure in this new contest, the people have a right to demand what advantages are proposed even in the event of its success, or at least to be satisfied that hostilities are unavoidable, and that every means of fair and honourable negociation | have been exerted, and had proved ineffectual. That the Livery of London have seen, with feelings of abhorrence, the Declarations and Trea ties of the Allied Powers, and to which are affixed the names of British Ministers, wherein are avowed and promulgated the monstrous and un-† heard-of principles, that the breach of a Convention by a Sovereign "destroys the only legal “title on which his existence depended—places That to enter into such a contest in the present "him without the pale of civil and social relations state of the country, with all our national funds "—reuders him liable to public vengeance"-and mortgaged to their utmost bearing, and that withthat, consequently, "there can be neither peace out an effort at negociation: or to refuse to connor truce with him ;"-principles revolting to the clude a treaty with any power, under the prefeelings of civilized society-repugnant to the sumption that such treaty may, at some remote rights, liberties, and security of all States-and | period, be broken, appears to tus an act of insaevincing a combination, or rather a conspiracy, nity-putting to hazard not only the property and which, if once sanctioned, would lead to couse-happiness of families, but the very existence of quences the most dreadful and alarming, and for which there is no parallel in the history of the world. 66 the British Empire, and tending to exclude for ever from the world the blessings of peace. Were the impolicy of a new war upon such principles, aud under such circumstances, at all doubtful, or were Government at all to be benefited by the result of experience, we need but re That, recollecting the noble struggles which our ancestors have made for re-establishing and preserving their liberties-recollecting the frequent reformations they have made in the Go-cal to recollection the memorable Manifesto of verument that they have always maintained and the Duke of Brunswick at the commencement of exercised this right--and that the august family the late contest-a Manifesto which had the effect now upon the throne, derived the right to the of arousing and uniting all the energies of the Crown, not by hereditary claims, but upon the le- French natiou, and gave that victorious impulse gitimate foundation of all authority, the choice of to her arms which cudaugered the liberties of the people--and indignantly disclaiming, as our Europe; we need but call to recollection, that ancestors have done, all right in Foreign Powers | during the progress of that war, notwithstanding the immense sacrifices of British blood, and wanton waste of British treasure, lavished in subsidizing Allies to fight in their own cause, we have not unfrequently seen those powers, who entered into the contest in alliance with this country, abandon that alliance, and joined in league with France, endeavouring to exclude us from the Continent of Europe. That, after all our sacrifices, and all our exertions, in the common cause, we failed to procure from one Sovereign that tribute to Humanity the Abolition of the Slave Trade; and beheld another Monarch commence his career by re-establishing the Inquisition, persecuting the best pa triots of the country, and eveu prohibiting the introduction of British manufactures into his dominions. That the Livery of London have ever been, and now are, ready to support the honour, the character, and the interests of the British Empire, and to resist every act of aggression; but, seeing all the consequences of the late war, looking at the depressed state of the country, the burthens and privations of the people, the financial difficulties, the uncertainty and hazards of war, seeing likewise that France has disclaimed all intention of interfering in the concerns of other nations, that she has declared her determination to adhere to the Treaty of Paris, that she has made pacific overtures to the different Allied Powers, has already abolished the Slave Trade, and given other indications of returning to principles of equity and moderation; and holding, as we do, all wars to be unjust, unless the injury sustained is clearly defined, and redress by negociation cannot be obtained; and more particularly holding in abhorrence all attempts to dictate to, or interfere with, other nations in their internal concerns, we can not but protest against the renewal of hostilities, as neither founded in justice nor necessity. That it is with feelings of indignation we perceive his Majesty's Ministers have proposed the renewal of that most galling, oppressive, and hateful Inquisition, the Tax upon Income, an Inquisition which had, in consequence of the universal execration it excited, been recently and reluctantly abandoned, and which we had hoped could never have been again renewed, at least during the existence of that generation who remembered its oppressions. That a Petition be presented to the House of Commons, praying them to interpose their authority to stop a weak, rash, and infatuated Administration in their mad and frightful career, and to adopt such measures as may best preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the nation. Resolved--That the said Petition be fairly transcribed, and signed, by the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, two Aldermen, and twelve Livery. men, and presented to the Honourable House of Commons, by the Representatives of this City in Parliament. Resolved Unanimously-That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, for his readiness in calling this Common Hall, and for his strict impartiality in presiding over the debates of this day. Resolved-That the thanks of this Common Hall be given to Mr. Robert Waithman and Mr. Samuel Favel, for their zeal and ability shewn upon all occasions conducive to the public wel fare, and so conspicuously manifested this day. Mr. Favel condemned the Declaration of the Allies, the Property Tax, the Corn Bill, and the policy on which the war was to be renewed.-Mr. Perring professed himself unable to comprehend the nature of resolutions which seemed to him to wander far from the object in view; the language, however, of the requisition was intelligible, and to that he would confine himself. If he understood the question, it was to decide whether the country should or not, under the present circumstances, enter on a war against the Government of France. He was not prepared to afford any sanction to such a war. Although he cordially agreed with a Right Hon. Gentleman, whom he considered not only the most eloquent, but one of the soundest statesmen (Mr. Plunkett,) that we should be justified in such a war so far as the right went; it by no means followed that it would be expedient to exercise such a right. He entertained great doubts of such expediency. He distrusted the elements of which the proposed alliance was composed :-let it not be imagined, that although it consisted of the same nations, that only twelve months since drove France within nearly her ancient limits, it was therefore formed of the same materials; he feared that the Congress at Vienna had effected a lamentable change in its composition (applause). The league against France had been irresistible, because the people felt the cause their own, and every heart beat in unison with the Government. Would the people of this country feel that they had now such an interest in the contest, as to induce them to submit with chearfulness to the sacrifices it would require? That our rulers and laws by which they were to be governed. Louis XVIII. was as much the legitimate heir to the Crown of Eng ་ resources were ample to maintain any con- lated to the Stuarts. Ile contended, amidst Mr. The the motion, which was carried; and, after a speech in return from Mr. Waithman, the Common Hall was dissolved. proceedings on this occasion (concludes the reporter) were of the most clamorous description, and Guildhall was not unlike a bear-garden. LIST OF THE MINORITY ON MR. WHITBREAD'S MOTION FOR PEACE Abercrombie, Hn. J. Aubrey, Sir John LIST OF THE MINORITY IN THE HOUSE Barnard, Viscount Langton, W. G. Maddox, W. A. Martin, J. Martin, H. Monck, Sir C. Moore, Peter Mackintosh, Sir J. Montgomery, Sir II. Newport, Sir J. Osborne, Lord F. Pierse, H. Phillips, G. Byng, George Buller, James King, Sir J. D. Burdett, Sir F. Littleton, Hon. H. Calvert, Charles Piggott, Sir A, Lubbock, Ju. Cavendish, Ld. G. Prittie, Hon. F. A. TELLERS-Alderman Atkins and Sir William Lefevre, C. Shaw Curtis. PAIRED OF Frankland, T. Stanley, Lard Swann, Henry Neville, Hon. R. Guise, Sir William Robinson, A. Smith, W. Horner, F. Smyth, J. H. Gordon, Wm. Dascoigne, Gen. Smith, R. Tierney, Rt. Hon. G. Tavistock, Marquis Latouche, R. Halsey, J. Hornby, Edward : Howorth, H. Western, C. C. Wharton, Jolin Whitbread, S., Seabright, Sir J. Tavistock, Marquis TELLERS.—Hon. H. Bennett and Sir M. Ridley's Printed and Published by G. Houston, No. 192, Strand, where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 19.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1815. [Price 1s. MY LORD,-From several parts of America I have received thanks for my Letters to your Lordship on the subject of the American war. The people in America think, or, at least, many of them think, that those Letters had great weight in producing the peace of Ghent, than which you and your colleagues never adopted any measure more wise nor in better time. Yet, you have never thanked me for my advice. You, to whom the peace was much more necessary than to Mr. MADISON, have never acknowledged your obligations to me. You have appeared to be sulky with me, though I taught you so exactly what to do, in order to avoid the great evils which were coming upon you from all quarters. The consequences of the American war were foretold by me nearly two years before the war began. I told you that you would have war, if you persevered in seizing men on board of American ships on the high seas. You did persevere; and you had war. I told you that the Americans would beat you in fighting, if you continued the war for two years. You continued the ar, and they did beat you. I told you, that you would never have peace, if you demanded any concession from America. You insisted on great concessions on her part as a sine qua non of peace; and, after three months more, you made peace by giving up every thing, not excepting the sine qua non itself. In short, you expended fifty millions of money, and lost, I dare say, thirty thousand men, in accomplishing nothing, except creating a navy in America, causing her manufactures to flourish, and implanting in the hearts of Americans, for ages, a hatred of the English government. I remind you of these things, in order to bespeak your attention on the present [578 subject. I shall here deal in prophecies again; and shall not be at all afraid of proving, in the end, to have been a false prophet. You appear to me now to be in a very fair way of adding another six hundred millions to our debt, and of bringing the guinea up to forty shillings, instead of twenty-eight shillings, at which point it is now arrived. I wish to prevent this; and, if I do not succeed, I shall, at any rate, have these pages to refer to, when the mischief has take place, and when few besides myself will able to say that they did all in their po to prevent it. I am of opinion, that France alone is now, as she was in 1793, more than a match for the coalition against her. But, I am further of opinion, that, before the war against her be six months old, you will see America taking a part in it, unless you carefully abstain from every thing that can be construed into a violation of neutral maritime rights. War, or peace, with America, will depend upon the opinions of the people in that country. The people there are really and truly represented in the Congress. There are no vile sham elections in the United States. That which the people wills will be done. The Americans are a sensible people; they all read from a press which is really free; they discuss all political matters freely. They love peace; they would prefer peace; they would make some sacrifices to peace; but they will never hesitate a moment in preferring war to slavery or dependance. Now, then, what is likely to be the view which the Americans will take of the present scene in Europe? And what are likely to be their feelings with regard to what is passing in this quarter of the world? It is very easy for our corrupt press to persuade the alarmed and selfish part of England that it is necessary to plunge the country into war, in order to root out the present government of France. But, it will not be so easy for any body to persuade the American people that such an undertaking is just. They will see the matter iu its true light. They will see that T |