the darling object of their care and protection: a throne like that which exalts and adorus the person of Napolcon, is indeed truly enviable; it stands alone in sterling value; it is a precious unique in these enslaving and enslaved times; it is the throne of a free nation emanating from the sove reignty of the people, and intrusted to the revered and beloved Napoleon as the faithful guardian of civic rights, as the tried and approved repository of the inestimable charge. What will the French profit by this Imperial Constitution of National liberty? Why, instead of being governed by schemes of ancient but execrated vassalage, it will be ruled by the indefeasible axioms of the rights of man; the legislative authority will originate from the majority of the nation, where alone it legitimately exists. No unequal privileges can be claimed; the rights of the individual are those of the multitude; no distinction can arise in the administration of the laws; the Emperor is the first servant or magistrate of the people, and holds that high office no longer than he shall faithfully fulfil its inseparable duties. This is a scheme novel it must be owned, in these degenerate times. America only furnishes its counter-part. England has some pretension to its general principle in the provisions of Magna Charta, but the machinations, abuses, and sophistications incident to all social institutions have, through lapse of time, approximated its present government too much to the prevailing systems of Europe, (in which the sovereignty of the people is ridiculed rather than acknowledged and revered) to admit of being any longer likened to the sage and enlightened views of legislation, recognised and adopted in the French and American schemes of government. Napoleon, the author of this enviable amelioration in the French government, and Madison, his American co-partner in political wisdom, have been objects of unceasing aspersions and vilifications. They have been severally denounced and menaced with utter destruction. After the one was overthrown, by the influence of plots and treasons, the other was held to stand in the way of "social order, and people's confidence and affection, a man who, of all potentates that ever lived, has perhaps the best title to that distinguished situation, truly abominable? The nineteenth century will be for ever disgraced in the page of history for affording an example of a race of men that could have been so criminally abject as to recommend so iniquitous, so servile a piece of treason against the social rights of man. The monstrous injustice of such execrable practice sickens every sense of virtue, and renders life itself almost insufferable. The natural feelings of the human mind, uninfluenced by the immorality, public and private, that has been engendered by the profligacy of the age, must revolt at the spoliating proceedings of modern times. Individual robbery is visited by the penal infliction of the law; but an authority setting itself above all law, will despoil whole nations, will dissolve all ties and obligations on which the moral and social character of man essentially depends, and is not held amenable to any tribunal; nay, is even applauded by the corrupt tools of licentious power as having conducted itself magnanimously! It would be easy to prove that no individual living can assume to himself, in his own right, as all despots avowedly do, the sovereign power. This authority is inherent in the people that may be incorporated into a nation, and equally emanates from every individual in that social assemblage. For the benefit of the whole, the aggregate of this individual power may be conferred on any person that may be the object of preference, to carry the high authority thus confided into effect for the advantage of the nation. The person exercising this sovereign power is a sovereign legitimately delegated, and may act as such with all the consideration that may be due to the people whose suffrages he represents. Where, but in France, and America are to be found heads of governments of this rightful stamp and authority? The French people in the ardor and gratitude of their love and attachment to Bonaparte have conferred on him an imperial throne: a throne the first in intrinsic worth on the face of the globe, and one, which a generous and high minded nation of thirty" the blessed comforts of religion," and millions of people, it may be fairly hoped, will cause to be duly respected. A throne, that may be truly regarded as the edifice of the people's own creation, must be even the British government was called on to wield her power against the pestiferous evils of American liberty. The warlike preparations that are at present making, list for decayed literary hacks. They tell the world, that they do not publish the names of the parties who receive charity. They are very wise in this, for the public would soon see what the real object of the Fund was, if they could see the names of the persons relieved. In short, this, like almost every other "Charity," as they are called, is neither more nor less than an adjunct of the government, or, rather of the System. What Jacobin, or Jacobin's wife (unless she first betrayed her have most evidently for their object the destruction of French liberty, overwhelming as that liberty must be, under the able direction of Bonaparte, to countries pining and sinking under the pitiless scourge of what is considered as hereditary and legitimate slavery. French liberty has a quality in it, with reference to surrounding nations eminently contiguous; its influence must spread. Like the electric fluid, it will diffuse itself. Some nations, indeed, to continue the electric simile, may be more ready conductors of it than others, accord-husband) was ever relieved by any of these ing to natural and acquired capabilities; but none can permanently continue in a state of non-conductors of the sacred principle. JUSTITIA. LITERARY FUND AND WASHING- societies? They are kept up for the purpose of keeping the needy in good humour, or of rewarding faithfut decayed slaves. Here the man who has paid a fortune in taxes often comes, cap in hand, and receives back the means of getting a dinner. It is curious to observe, that the Aristocratic faction in America have resorted to a trick of this sort. They set up, some few years ago, a society, which they called the "Washington Benevolent So I have observed, that, year after year, this institution becomes more like a common charity concern. A parcel of Lords,ciety," which, it appears, has branched and other men of purse, take the chair, out all over the country. The object of and take the lead. This last meeting was, this trick was to collect little groupes of I see, presided over by the Duke of Kent, the most needy and mean-spirited part of in the same way as the Lancaster school the people, and, by the means of donameetings, and other meetings for the as- tions in money, clothes, books, or medisistance of the poor and miserable. The cal aid, to attach them to the aspiring consequence of this must be, that the poor rich, and thus to found a sort of affiliation devil's politics will serve as the measure of against the Republican government. The the bounty he is to receive. The original name of Washington was taken for the design of this fund must be totally over- purpose of deception, and as a party-word, looked. That design, I believe, was to opposed to the name of Jefferson or Maprevent authors from selling their pens; dison, who were thus to be held up as having whereas now, I should suppose, the prin- deviated from the principles of the man, to cipal design to be to purchase the pens of whom American gratitude has given what, authors, or to keep alive poor slaves perhaps, American wisdom and justice whose works are well-meant towards would have given largely, but certainly their patrons, but destitute of the talent with a less prodigal hand. Availing themnecessary to make them sell.-I observe, selves of this amiable weakness, these that the "Founder's" health was drunk, crafty enemies of their country's freedom .but, that the "Founder," Mr. DAVID have been working up the people here and WILLIAMS, was not named.-Mr. David there, by the means of these societies, to Williams wrote some excellent political an opposition to the government. They tracts in support of the principles of free-hold their stated meetings, as our "chadom; he also translated some of the works rities" do. They make speeches, compliof Voltaire on the subject of religion.ment one another, extol the virtues of Never did he expect that his institution Washington, who, though one of the first would tumble into such hands as have of patriots, never was fool enough to benow got hold of it. The truth is, that the stow his money in the making of paupers. stheme was a very good one. Its object, Shut out of the Legislative Assemblies by and its tendency, was to encourage lite- the people's voice, they harrangue at these rary merit, and to make authors honest meetings, and thus continue to keep themand independent; but it has now mani-selves in wind. Silly as the thing is, howfestly been converted into a sort of poor- ever, in itself, I would have the Ameri cans be upon their guard against it. It is speaking of Napoleon. They call him a aspiring Aristocracy in its most alluring perfidious traitor, an audacious rebel, a guise; it is imposture of the most danger- vile miscreant, a run-away coward, a ous kind It tends to the creating of monster, whom every body hates, an enepauperism; to the forming of a class in my to tranquillity, happiness, and order, the community, who have no interest in a hater of mankind, with whom no peace supporting the rights and libertics of the or truce can, or ought to, be made; and, nation, and who are to be bought and to complete the climax, he is said to be a sold like cattle. These societies ought to devil incarnate, but by which of the fallen be resolutely attacked and exposed. A angels he was begotten we are not yet inlittle matter would break them up amongst formed. Doubtless they will next tell us a sensible people. I wish I could shew he is Belzabub, the prince of the devils. the people of America the effects of pau- These calumniators have a great facility perism in England; I wish I could make in the use of these epithets. They apply them see the degradation which it has them to all who think different from thembrought upon the land of their fore-selves. You, Sir, have very pointedly fathers there would need nothing more. WAR AGAINST FRANCE. animadverted on their modest declamations against Mr. Madison, the American President. It was certainly a very pious avowal of theirs, that "the world should "tor," "and that no peace can or ought "to be made with: so rebellious a go "vernment." Much the same language was used in speaking of the immortal Washington, when that admired character directed the affairs of the most in MR. COBBETT There are some persons" be delivered of such a democratic traiwith whom it is in vain to reason, and whom it is impossible to convince. As a proof of this, the effects of prejudice and blind incredulity were never more palpably evinced than in the declarations, so repeatedly made, by most of the public journals, that the army, and not the peo-dependent representative government in ple of France, are favourable to the return the world. Truth stands in no need of of Napoleon; that the nation at large abusive language to support it. Such meas has a perfect dislike to his name, character, and contemptible expressions militate and government; and that no proof of at- against the cause they are intended to tachment by the people has yet been given, serve. The Moniteur some time ago infrom the moment of his landing at Frejus formed us that the loyalty of the French to the time of his entering the city of Paris; to the Bourbons was universal. Why no not even up to the present period. then did not the Duke de Orleans, and When such declarations as these are made, the French Marshal who went with him in the face of so many opposite facts, it is to Lyons, excite the people of that great almost impossible for any evidence, how-city to resistance? Opportunities have ever strong, to remove such deep rooted prejudice. What kind of evidence, short of a miracle, would be deemed sufficient to convince such wilful perverseness? It is not a little curious to see how they attempt to account for Napoleon's uninterrupted march to Paris. His landing, they tell us, was so sudden and unexpected; his movements so rapid and direct, that every loyal citizen was seized with a momentary astonishment. A paralytic affection deprived the nation of all motion, and all sense of feeling, except that a small lisaffected rabble, the dregs of the military, basely attached themselves to the "vile tyraut," and conducted him to Paris! For a moment let us glance at the moderation and modesty, the impartiality and candour of these men, when been afforded the people in various parts of France to prove their attachment to Louis, had they been so disposed. The exertions of the Duke of Angouleme, as well as his heroic Duchess, were incapable of rousing them to support their cause, notwithstanding they had royal blood in their veins, and tongues pouring forth rewards on all who heard them. It is notoriously true, that Napoleon landed with a little band of 600 men. While moving forward to the capital, why was he not arrested in his progress at Digue, at Gap, at Grenoble, or at Lyons, before his military strength became formidable? At neither of these places, nor at any other in the whole of his march, did a single indivigaloppose him. Can it be imagined, if such a force was to land in any part of Eng May it not rather be said that no one will say what shall be done than to accomplish land, with the intention of subverting our has no better foundation than personal MERCATOR. ABDICATION OF BONAPARTE. MR. COBBETT. In the publication of the celebrated treaty of Fontainbleau, a treaty that will probably be regarded by j remote posterity as one of houxing me- | called to that high office by the very mory, you judiciously observed, that the sovereignty of the people, the only legicharacter, the tenor, and political impor- timate source of magisterial appointment, tance of its terms with reference to Bona- and the undisguised terror and dismay of parte, appeared to be such as better de- despots. It is now very generally, though noted a conquering than a vanquished absurdly enough, objected by the undispower. They certainly proved the mili- criminating adversaries of the French Emtary resources of the then imperial govern-peror, that the Allies were blameable, ment of France, and evinced, that a dread nay, almost criminal, in suffering so danwas felt on the part of the Allies at put- gerous a person to be stationed so near the ting to risk the possible issue of a pro- shores of France as in the island of Elba ; tracted contest. Its continuance must that if circumstances did not exactly admit indeed have been most sanguinary. Its of putting him to death, yet the least cessation, therefore, by any conceivable that could have been done with him, conmeans, was preferable to urging on the hor-sistently with the security of Europe, was rible work of carnage. Humanity owes the to have placed him where he never could homage of gratitude to all the conflicting be again on the political arena of the parties, for acceding to the pacific stipula- world. In short, that he should have tions of the treaty of Fontainbleau. Whe-been dungeoned for life. How pretty is ther that arrangement was founded on a all this, in petty, in childish resentment; secret understanding, that the abdication but how mighty foolish to attempt imposof the imperial throne was to be but tem-sibilities.-The military power of Bonaporary, is a circumstance with respect to the public articles, only to be vindicated by the modern justification that has been so often offered of state artifices and chicanery. Considering the bad faith with which the French Emperor had been treated by his former Allies, it was a sort of ruse de guerre, or rather de paix, which merits more properly to be regarded as an adroit piece of lex tallionis than as a flagrant instance of mala fides. But the warranty of Bonaparte for resuming the French throne, is affirmed to rest on a direct violation of the avowed conditions of that treaty. The non-performance of the stipulations respecting the Italian dutchies to his Empress and Son, and the alledged design of wresting from him the Sovereignty of Elba, are criminating proofs of the want of good faith in the contracting parties.-Independently of the voice of the French people, loud and heart-felt, in recalling their expatriated Emperor, his right to the throne of France is founded on a violation of treaty; so that what might have been a moral abdication had the conditions of obtaining it been observed, ceased to have any authority the moment these conditions were violated. It does, therefore, appear, that the throne reverts to him as his undoubted right, even were it not imposed on him by the free and universal acclamation of an approving people. No potentate on earth can have a better right to sovereign authority than Bonaparte. He is again parte, coupled with the resources of his vast mind, was greater at the time he signed the treaty of Fontainbleau than that of all Europe put together. It might be difficult to gain credit for this assertion, had not the recent expression of the military feeling of France in his favour incontrovertibly proved its correctness. It was reserved for the year 1815 to give, to the astonished world, an instance of a person who had incurred the remorseless reproaches, and indecent vilifications of the governing part of nations, being received, as it were by one heart and hand, by millions of a populace devoted to his military, his political, and his moral virtues. Ancient Rome furnishes instances of the military transferring the imperial diadem to favourite individuals; but then it was when the situation was vacillating between contending favourites. France presents a spectacle of receiving a banished Emperor into her bosom; of his traversing the extensive regions of that populous country, to the very capital, in a manner more like making a pleasureable excursion than as performing a hazardous enterprise; of his being every where openly caressed; of his finally reaching the seat of government without an opposing shot having been fired; and all this in the midst of some shew and much legislative prattle about heroic resistance to his progress. The Bourbon government thus summarily supplanted, was strong in form but wholly destitute of that substantial |