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should not be disposed to increase the naval establishment, a different course must be pursued. The three seventyfours (of which two may be soon completed for sea, at a small addition expence) should be perfected in their guns and equipments, and laid up in ordinary so as to be ready for service upon the first emergency.-Four frigates should always be manned and ready for sea; and should be deemed to be in actual service, together with four sloops of war, four small armed vessels (to be principally employed as dispatch vessels) and two gun-boats in each principal port. The flotilla may be discharged, and the gun-boats (with the exception provided for) and the barges may be generally laid up or sold, as the president may deem most expedient. The ships and vessels on the lakes, or on the stocks for the lake service, may also be laid up, or sold, as the president shall direct. But it is respectfully suggested that no greater reduction of our naval establishaent ought at this time to take place. The destinies of the nation appear to be intimately connected with her maritime power and prosperity-and as the creation of a navy is not a work to be quickly performed, it seems necessary not only to cherish our existing resources, but to

the late war, the achievements of the navy excited admiration and confidence throughout the United States, shedding a lasting splendour upon the American arms. Vietory has invariably been the result of our naval combats with an equal force; and even when the surrender to a superior force has proved unavoidable, it must be acknowledged by the world, that those who have gained the ship, have not always gained the glory of the battle. Co-cperating with their brave and patriotic brethren of the army, the officers and 'crews of the American vessels of war have greatly contributed to the honourable restoration of peace; and whatever may be the general policy of reducing the naval establishment, it must be universally a favourite object to secure for those meritorious citizens a participation in the blessings which they have conferred upon their country. Permit me, Sir, to take this opportunity of recommending to your attention the bill which has received the sanction of the Senate, for creating the rank of Admiral in our naval service. The measure is suited to the existing naval establishment, and appears to be necessary, not only as the means of furnishing commanders of proper rank for our squadrons, but as the means of bestowing professional distinction and reward upon the distinguished veterans of the navy. It has been DILY. The purchase of timber, the castseen and lamented, that for want of this ing of guns, and the collection of all other grade of command, the gallantry of a sub- materials for building and equipping vessels ordinate officer could be rewarded by of war, at safe and convenient places, are promotion, while his gallant superior objects of the greatest importance; and officer must remain stationary. The the actual construction of at least one protection of commerce against the hos- seventy-four and two frigates, is recomtilities of the Dey of Algiers will re-mended upon principles of economy as quire, that a strong squadron should be stationed, as soon as practicable, in the Mediterranean. The Algerine naval force is believed to consist of four frigates, four corvettes, four sloops of war, and twenty gun-boats; but these vessels will be covered and aided by the powerful batteries which defend the harbour of Algiers. To secure success in our operations, therefore, and to command the general respect of the Barbary powers, it is proposed, that the American squadron shall consist of two seventy-fours, six frigates, three sloops of war, and six or eight small armed vessels; and an estimate of the expence of the expedition accompanies this communication. If, however, congress should not contemplate a maritime war against Algiers, and

AUGMENT THEM GRADUALLY AND STEA

well as policy. Smaller vessels of war can be built as the occasions occur, but these require time and care. Contracts for a supply of two hundred heavy cannon to be delivered at New York, Boston, or Portsmouth (which afford at all times an outlett to the ocean) might be advantagecusly formed. To these general views, I beg leave to add that an appropriation, for the purchase of the vessels captured by Commodore Macdonough on Lake Champlain is necessary; and, as the estimated value cannot be now ascertained, the ap propriation may be made for such sum as shall be settled and agreed upon, with the approbation of the president. I have the honour to be, very respectfully, &c.

B. W. CROWNINSHIELD.

NOTTINGHAM.

their fellow townsmen and to themselves, to publish the Requisition to the Mayor, and also the Correspondence which has ensued thereon; so that the Public may. be thorougly enabled to form a correct opinion of the conduct of the parties con cerned in this matter. The inhabitants of the town and its vicinity are respectfully informed, that this business is not abandoned, but will be pursued by the Committee, with all the ardour and ability of which they are possessed; and in a mode which they conceive, under existing circumstances, best calculated to produce the desired effect.

BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE. Nottingham. May 5th, 1815.

The following documents will show, that the people of this public spirited town have wished to assemble, in a peaceable and orderly manner, under their Magistrates, to petition against the renewal of the war, which wish has been opposed by the Mayor. These documents, which I insert with all the names attached to them as a mark of my respect for the town of Nottingham, will speak for themselves; but, I cannot refrain from making a remark or two.-The Mayor refuses to call a Meeting, on account, as he says, of "the unsettled state of the public mind." Why, what is that to the purpose? The people's meeting, discussing the great subject of peace or war, and proposing a petition, is, one would suppose, the best possible way of settling the public mind. What! Then this Gentlemen would, I suppose, never have another election; for, then, it is notorious, that the public | mind is unsettled ; unless, indeed, he would have, as in the rotten Boroughs, all the matter snugly settled before-hand. He will suffer the people to sneak into the Town-Hall to sign a petition. That | is, he will suffer them to sign that which not a fiftieth part of them can have an opportunity of reading. If the petition had been proposed at a public meeting, not only would it have been read aloud to the people; not only would they have heard zohat it was that they were about to sign, but, they would have been made ac quainted with all the facts and arguments for and against it: they would have been in possession of the reasons for doing that which they were about to do.-What, then, can have been the true cause of this refu-John Kendall sal? We shall probably be informed of | E. B. Robinson

it hereafter.

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TO THE INHABITANTS OF NOTTINGHAM
AND ITS VICINITY.

"It having been stated, in the REVIEW of last week, from proper authority, that a REQUISITION had been presented to JOHN ASHWELL, Esq. Mayor, the purport of which was to convene a PUBLIC MEETING, at GUILDHALL, to consider of the propriety and necessity of PETITIONING the PRINCE REGENT, and the HOUSE of COMMONS, on the impending War with France; the Committee engaged in this affair, convinced of the high importance of the subject, feel it a momentous duty, which they owe to

"To JOHN ASHWEEL, ESQ. MAYOR. "SIR. We the undersigned housekeepers of the town and county of the town of Nottingham, most respectfully solicit you to call a PUBLIC MEETING of the inhabitants thereof, at the first convenient opportunity, to take into consi deration the propriety and necessity of PETITIONING HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT, and also the COMMONS HoUSE OF PARLIAMENT, against involving this country, unnecessarily, in a War with France, because that nation, in imitation of our immortal forefathers, has thought right to choose a Government consistent with its own will." Richard Alliott John Bryan Robert Smith Nathaniel Nead, Jun. Jonathan Dumu

James Wright
George Bradley
Samuel Cartledge
George Johnson

James Smith

Samson Walker
John Leaver
John Lightfoot
Christopher Renshaw
John Wood
Thomas Marshall
John Henshaw
James Harriman
Robert Sewel Maples
John Parker
John Dalby
John Wood
William Biggs
Samuel Beardsley
John Greaves

2

.

Samuel Doubleday
W. Blackwell
Henry Leaver
Richard Sibert
J. Norweb
William Daft
John Blackner
John Roberts

John Sands
Thomas Yates

Charles Heald
Robert Webster
George White
Henry Cross
E. Milligan

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John Woodward

Samuel Holland

William Page
Isaac Meats
Joseph Thorpe
William Baldock

William Mason

James Edwards
Charles Clarke

B. Hind

James Saxby
Edmund Hart

"TO MR. CLAYTON.

"Nottingham, April 29, 1815. "SIR-I have, in conformity with my promise to you, laid the Requisition I had the honour to receive, before my brother Magistrates, at a meeting last night; and after mature deliberation, they are of opinion with myself, in the present unsettled state of the public mind, it would be better to avoid a Town Meeting upon this occasion.—If, however, the use of the Guildhall, for the purpose of having Petitions lay there to receive signatures, would be desirable, it is quite at the service of the gentlemen who conduct this business. I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

"JOHN ASHWELL, Mayor."

66 TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR. "SIR--I have had the honour to receive your letter, which I shall lay before the Committee this afternoon; should they decide on a public meeting, will you be kind enough to say whether you will permit them to have the use of the Guildhall for that purpose. Waiting your reply, I am, Sir, your's &c. "J. CLAYTON."

TO MR. CLAYTON.

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"Nottingham, 2d May, 1815.

"SIR-I am not aware that your note of the first instant requires from me any particular answer. It is the duty of Magistrates to preserve the public peace always, and to the proper dis charge of this duty, the attention and exertions of the Magistrates of Nottingham, I hope, will be always found directed. I am your most humble servant, "JOHN ASHWELL."

"TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR, "SIR-I have received your letter this afternoon, and, I must confess, the contents of it do not a little surprise me, as it neither coutains a candid or explicit answer to my letter of the 1st instant: I did not require of you to point out the duty of magistrates, &c.; every man of common capacity must know the line of conduct marked out for them, BY THE LAW OF THE LAND, and if that was more observed, less trouble would accrue in the conducting of Constitutional or Public Meetings; but, it appears, the voice of the people is neither to be heard nor respected, either by one power or the other, but that their suffer

"SIR-In answer to your letter, the Hall willings and calamities must be endured without a be occupied on Tuesday, Wednesday, and. Friday,

in the next week. I am your obedient servant, "J. ASHWELL."

66 TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR. SIR-I had the pleasure of receiving your esteemed favour of the 29th instant, which was laid before the Gentlemen who signed the Requisition, for their consideration; they are extremely sorry to observe that the Guildhall will be occupied on Tuesday, &c. so as to deprive them of the opportunity of meeting in that place, for the sole purpose of considering the propriety of ad- | dressing the Prince Regent and the House of Commons on the impolicy of interfering with the internal affairs or regulations which France may chuse to adopt as to her form of Government or Ruler, and not to involve this country again in War, with all its evils, unless for objects truly national. Will you, therefore, be kind enough to state explicitly, whether on a subject so highly important, and a proceeding so truly constitutional, any protection or countenance may be expected from the Magistrates, &c. should a Public Meeting take place (in the town), or whether snch a proceeding would meet with opposition; I can assure you it is not the wish of the persons concerned in this business, to disturb the repose of the town, &c. Waiting your reply, I remain, Sir, your most obedient servant,

« Nottingham, May 1, 1815. J. CLAYTON."

the Public Meeting that took place respecting
murmur or a sigh. I presume you cannot forget
the Corn Bill, at which you had the honour of
presiding, and, I have no doubt, you will recol-
lect the manly and correct conduct of it, and
which you so highly complimented and con
mended, and the pledge you gave, to call any
future Public Meeting conducted on the pure
principles of the Constitution; and can that pro-
mise be so easily broken! particularly by the
Chief Magistrate! whose conduct and expres-
sions ought to be as clear as the sun at noon day,
without ambiguity. A respectable Requisition
was handed to you, sigued by persons, if not richi,
or possessing great talent, they were honest to
their country, and frieuds of the greatest of bles-
sings, peace! and the cause of humanity; there-
fore, in my humble opinion, it became your im-
perious duty to have called a Public Meeting,
being considered (as far as expressions go) tile
supporter and advocate of the cause of your
country. If, Sir, you will give me a direct an
swer to my last letter, I shall feel obliged; in the
mean time, I remain, Sir, your obedient humble
servant,
"J. CLAYTON."

"Nottingham, May 2, 1815,

It appears that no reply was returned by the Mayor of Nottingham to Mr. Clayton's urgent and constitutional request. Determined, however, not to abandon their purpose, the Committee in name of

those citizens who signed the requisition, caused the following address to be printed and circulated;

of PEACE, and the admirers of the principles of our excellent Constitution, it is hoped, will come forward as one man, and affix their names to those Petitions.By order of the Committee,

JOHN GREAVES, jun. Secretary. Wednesday Morning, May 10th, 1815.

RESOLUTIONS.

Resolved 1. That as war is the extremity of lawful and honourable means to avert it have evil, no nation should engage therein until all been tried, and proved unavailing.

Therefore this

"FELLOW TOWNSMEN AND COUNTRYMEN-The present moment is awfully portentous; dismally dark clouds hang over our country, pregnant with unheard of misery and woe to ourselves and future generations, the mere description of which however faintly drawn, would horrify minds the least susceptible of generous sentiments, would melt hearts the most obdurate: but we will not harrow feel2. That every nation has an indisputable right ings, already sufficiently wounded, by attempting to pourtray such direful calami- to choose its own Government; and that a war commenced and prosecuted by any other nation ties as must necessarily result from a renewed course of warfare with France; with a view to the annihilation of such choice, is without having one legitimate object to most unjust; because it is contrary both to the stimulate us to the adoption of such a des- law of nature and of nations, to the avowed prac perate measure; for desperate it must be tice of the civilized world, and to the very princonsidered by all, (of whatever political ciples which exalted the House of Branswick to opinion,) who look at the financial diffi- the Throne of these realms. culties of this nation. Come forward, Meeting regards with horror and dismay, the hos therefore, fellow countrymen, and exercise tile preparations now making; the professed deyour rights--be obedient to the imperious sign of which is, to compel the French nation, by calls of duty-use every constitutional force of arms, to dethrone the Sovereign of their effort of which you are possessed, to pre-choice, and to impose upon them another, to vent the vessel of your country from being whom it appears they have a complete, radical, driven in the gathering tempest; and then, national objection. should the Government of the nation be 3. That this Meeting not only sees, but feels, so infatuated as to plunge you into all the the heart-rending calamities which the late wars horrors of war, you will, amid all your have entailed upon this country:-Trade, comgalling sufferings, be exempt from those merce, and mannfacture scarcely exist: nothing bitter reflections which must ever attend present themselves for observation and contemplaan accusing conscience.-You are respect- tion, among the trading, commercial, and manufully informed, that under existing circum-facturing part of the community, but ruin, stances, the Committee, who continue to wretchedness, and woe. manage this business, consider it an act of prudence, and not of submission, to decline calling a public Meeting. They therefore, lay before you, for your approval, the following RESOLUTIONS and PETITIONS which they intended to offer, had a public Meeting been called by the Mayor, in conformity to the requisition presented to him, and which was published last week in the Nottingham Review, and in hand-bills, together with the correspondence produced by such application.-A Petition to the Prince Regent, and another to the House of Commons, will be laid for signatures, at a shop in Smithy-row, lately in the occupation of Mr. Darby, to-morrow, from ten o'clock in the morning to seven in the evening, and will continue to be open for a week. The adult male inhabitants of this town and its vicinity, who are the FRIENDS

The National Debt has been increased in a

four-fold degree, and now requires no less sum than thirty millions sterling to pay the common interest, with an addition of public expenditure

to the annual amount of twenty millions more, even on the supposition of this country enjoying universal peace.

4. That in the opinion of this Meeting, it would be highly chimerical, impolitic, and most iniquitously unjust to the people of this country, for the Government thereof to plunge them into renewed warfare for any other objects than those truly national, probable in their acquirement, and of sufficient magnitude and importance to compensate this nation for the sacrifices and sufferings naturally resulting therefrom.

5. That from the pre-eminent station which Great Britain holds in the scale of nations, this Meeting believes that her efforts to preserve the present peace would not be ineffectual.

6. That the effects which the late wars pro- | presume to dictate to your Royal Highness, but duced on this town and neighbourhood were to state constitutionally to you, our opinions aud most lamentably afflicting; the poor-rates were feelings. Hence the mighty warlike preparaincreased in an eight-fold degree, and more than tions now making, which fill our minds with painone-sixth of its population received parochial aid. ful anxiety, impel us to declare, that we think it 7. That this Meeting present an address and the imperative duty of this country, not to wage petition to his Royal Highness the Prince Re- war with France, (particularly when we consider gent, praying that he will not interfere by war the state of our finances) without it be for objects or otherwise, with the internal affairs of France, purely national, likely to be obtained, and comand that the said petition be transmitted to the mensurate with its consequent calamities:-calaRight Hon. Lord Grenville, requesting him to mities, the mere contemplation of which strike present it to his Royal Highness. us with horror. It is so repugnant to our feel

8. That this Meeting do also present an addressings--so contrary to the dictates of justice,-to and petition to the Honourable the House of Commons, praying that they will not grant any supplies for the purpose of subsidising foreign | powers to enable them to go to war with France, and that this petition be forwarded to John Smith, Esq. and Lord Rancliffe, the two Members for the town, with a request that they will, upon presenting the same, cause it to be read, and support the prayer thereof.

9. That the thanks of this Meeting be given to John Smith, Esq. our worthy representative, for his independent, steady, and persevering conduct in Parliament.

10. That this Meeting cannot but regret the long absence of our other worthy representative, Lord Rancliffe, from his Parliamentary duty. ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF WALES, REGENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

The humble, dutiful, and loyal Address and Petition of the inhabitants of the town and county of the town of Nottingham, and its vicinity.

May it please your Royal Highness—We, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the inhabitants of the town and county of the town of Not

the Constitution of our country,-to the prac
tice of our forefathers,--to the very principles
which placed your angust family on the throne,
and, above all, to that princely declaration, so
honourable to your understanding and your
heart, made by your Royal Highness, when you
were invested with Regal Authority,-that “the
Crown was a sacred trust, to be held only for the
welfare and happiness of the people;"-that we
could not for a moment have entertained a thought,
were it not for that most objectionable Declara-
tion made by the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied
Sovereigns, bearing date the 13th of March, (and
also the Treaty of the 25th of the same month,)
1815, together with the hostile attitude which
Europe has since assumed, that your Royal High-
ness would coalesce with those Monarchs on the
Continent, to prevent by force of arms, or other
wise, the French people from retaining that So-
vereign and forming that Government which are
the objects of their choice. We, therefore, most
respectfully implore your Royal Highness, that
your Royal Highness will not interfere, by war,
or otherwise, with the internal affairs of France.
And we further implore your Royal Highness,
that no measures may be adopted by this country,
be offered from that nation. And your peti.
to impede any friendly communications, that may
tioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
PETITION TO THE COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN

AND IRELAND IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. The humble Petition of the inhabitants of Not tingham and its vicinity.

tingham, and its vicinity, respectfully approach your Royal Highness, with harrowed feelings of the most poignant grief:-feelings which we have not heretofore endured; although our privations, sacrifices, and sufferings, for the last twenty years, are unparalleled in the annals of our country. We beg most ardently to impress on the mind of your Royal Highness, that, however Sheweth--That your Petitioners cannot view, just, wise, and politic, the late wars may have but with sentiments of most fearful apprehension, been considered in their respective origin and the extensive preparations making by the Goduration, that the effects resulting therefrem, on vernment of this country, for an apparent rehis Majesty's loyal subjects, were, and are, most newal of war with France; nor can they avoid grievously afflicting. After such unequalled expressing their regret, at seeing themselves sacrifices of blood and treasure, what national likely to be plunged once more into all the cala. advantages might we not have expected? But mities, distresses, and privations, attendant upon the lamentable reverse is the fact :-Trade and warfare, with no other object than that of upholdcommerce are annihilated;—our merchants ruining the interests of a dynasty twice declared by ed, our artizans pauperised. We would not the people unworthy to reign--for uo nobler

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