nected with their principal military posi-passion for the many who first called for tions, were destroyed by the explosion of their magazine, which proved so fatal to our troops; and although there were strong provocations for burning and destroying the town, nothing of the kind took place, more than I have already mentioned, either by the army or navy. Yours' with respectful esteem, H. DEARBORN. Hon. Joseph B. Varnum. PETITIONS AGAINST THE WAR. The example of the Livery of London has not been followed by the Citizens of Nottingham alone. In the City of Westminster, and in the Borough, petitions have been voted by the electors against involving the country in all the horrors of a new war with France. These, I am afraid, will have little effect, if the Allies, as is pretended, are bent on renewing the work of slaughter. These are not the times when the people are to expect that their voice will be heard, even by their representatives. But who have they to blame for this? Why, none but themselves. It is they who have all along willingly contributed to carry on the 'war. It is they, many of them, who now make the greatest noise about the pernicious consequences of the last war, that were the first to call for it. Poor drivellers! do they suppose that after investing corruption with the vast power they have done; after giving it the unlimited controul of the national purse; after submitting the neck to that yoke; do these credulous dupes of a crafty system expect, that the noisy lamentations they how set up to procure attention will be met with any thing but a deaf ear. No, no; it is not the way to tame the jackal to feed him with human flesh; it is not the way to eradicate corruption to pour plenty into the lap of the corrupt. Those who have all along been sincere in their desire for peace have been but few in number. They are entitled, and have a legitimate claim, to be heard, but I have little com the war, and who would still call for it, if they thought it for their interest. For such men as these I feel no regret; they merit all the calamities they have endured; they are the victims of their own folly and avarice; they are justly punished for their cupidity.-What measures may be necessary to induce the legislature to lend a willing ear to the petitions against the threatened war, it is not for me to say; but after the way in which the petitions against the Corn Bill were received, I do not expect a favorable result, even although nine-tenths of our population were to remonstrate against the measure. The country has supplied the means of commencing, at least, the war. Those now possessing these means, have given pretty good proofs that they are not of disposing minds for peace. It is useless, therefore, to talk to them ou that subject. Have all those, who are now petitioning against the war, been careful not to contribute to its support? How can they expect, after opening their purses, and willingly paying their quota of war taxes, that they should have any thing else but war?-It is the taxes that occasions all, the mischief. It is the taxes, the soul and sinews of war, which have involved the country in its present distress. Until, therefore, measures are adopted, and constitutional measures there are, to bring these taxes within moderate bounds, war we must have, war we shall have, and war will sooner or later involve the country in irrecoverable ruin. TRIUMPH OF WESTMINSTER, AND PURITY OF ELECTION. The friends of freedom will, I am persuaded, be gratified to learn, that the eighth anniversary of Sir Francis Burdett's election to represent the city of Westminster, is to be held in the Crown and Anchor Tavern, on Tuesday the 23d instant; and that Sir Francis is to be in the Chair. Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed` to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 21.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1815. [Price 1s. 6417 TO CORRESPONDENTS, IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. [642 may be addressed to me at Botley, near Southampton, and be put, at once, into any post-office in this country.-The hirelings, who conduct nine-tenths of the newspa But, Botley, near Southampton, 20th May, 1815. I have, within these few days, had ten-pers in London, have all possible facilities dered to me, through the Post, a small in receiving American newspapers. parcel from America, with "newspapers" they publish from them that only which written on it. This parcel had, as ap- suits their purpose. Their object is to pears by the Post-mark, been sent from mislead the people here; or, to keep them Liverpool to London, and from London in the dark; and, they cull out every pasto Botley. The charge on it was nine sage calculated to answer this end. Beshillings and six-pence sterling; that is to sides, there are very few papers (the Nasay, however, in our paper money, being tional Intelligencer excepted), which are about, at this time, a dollar and a half. sent to England, except the papers called I did not take the parcel, of course, much Federal. The persons who send these as I wished to see its contents. From papers, if not English by birth, are Engthis account, it will be perceived, that, lish by connection. Thus we see only one unless parcels of newspapers, coming from side of the picture; and hence it was, that America, be actually conveyed by the malignant and beastly as is the Editor of bearer of them either to me at Botley our Times newspaper, for instance, the fel(which can seldom happen), or to London, low really might be deceived himself by the object in sending them must be de- the cookoo clamour of the Aristocratical feated; for, a file of daily papers, for only American newspapers; but, hence, though one month, sent to me by post from any I could get a sight of none but the same out-port, would cost, at least, the price of sort of papers, I was not deceived, because a good large fat hog. I remember one I had had that experience, which enabled parcel, which came to me, charged with me to put a proper value upon what I saw nine pounds some odd shillings of postage, in these papers. It is of great consewhich is now the price of a hog of seven- quence to the cause of truth and freedom, teen score weight.-As I am very de- that the Republican papers should come to sirous to receive, frequently, papers from us from America, and that other RepubliAmerica, and as the papers in that coun- can works should also reach us; for, it is try are not, as ours are, loaded with a tax from this Island that opinions and facts go equal to more than one half of their retail forth to produce impression on the mind price, I will point out the manner in which of the world. Bound up as our press they may be sent to me. The parcel we, by one means or another, contrive to should be addressed to me by name, "to get a great deal into circulation. We are "the care of the Publisher of Cobbett's nearer the grand scenes of action than you Weekly Political Register, London." are; and, if you wish your principles and But, it ought, if the vessel go to London, your example to have their due and speedy to be carried by the master, or mate, or by effect, we must be the principal vehicle of some careful person; and, if the vessel them.--Some one at Philadelphia has rearrive at some out-port, the parcel, with cently sent me a parcel of American pathe same direction on it, should be carried pers, received at Philadelphia from other to some office, whence a London Coach places, from which I perceive, that my departs. There it should be delivered, Letters to Lord Liverpool have been reand the bearer should see it booked, as we published in all parts of the Republic, from call it. By these means American papers Boston to Savannah, from Philadelphia to will reach me with very little trouble, and Pittsburgh. Flattering as this is to my at an expence of which I should think no- self-love, it is much more gratifying to me thing. All single letters from America as a proof of the powers of the press, and 66 "sentation in the Senate; and the Hosti- as the foundation of a rational hope, that power is, from the causes above stated, of the day is not distant, when tyranny, comparatively little service. I take this wherever it may exist, will fall beneath opportunity of expressing my best thanks those powers.-Letter VI. to the Earl of to MR. MATHEW CAREY, of Philadelphia, Liverpool, I wrote, I remember, in a room for a very excellent pamphlet, which he in a farm-house, one morning when I was has had the goodness to send me, entitled, detained by rain. I might have thought" A Calm Address to the People of the it; but, certainly I had not then the most "Eastern States, on the Subject of the distant idea, that what I was then writing," Representation of Slaves; the Reprewould so quickly come back to me, in another print, after having been read on the banks of the Ohio and those of the Mississippi. This single fact; the sight of only one such print, is to me more than a compensation for all that I have suffered in the cause of Truth and Freedom. But, it is of far greater importance as a stimulant to future exertion, and as suggesting additional care in planning and executing. But, why should not the friends of Freedom co-operate? We see how firmly bound together its enemies are; how they, for the furtherance of their grand object, mutually sacrifice all their prejudices and even their petty conflicting interests. You have heard the Saints of Hertford rejoice at the restoration of the Pope. The Holy Father has embraced the Dey of Algiers, who calls him a Christian Dog.-Why should not we aid each other? You are better off than we are. You have free presses in every sea-port; your sea-ports are numerous; your masters of vessels have a direct communication with you; you can easily come at all that we publish. While your continent, and all its presses and literary productions, are shut from us by hundreds of obstacles of which you have no idea, our enemies have their regular correspondences, their communications always open; they know here all that is passing in your country; while we are wholly in the dark; while we are deprived of the use of all those powerful weapons, which your unrestrained press would put into our hands. I hope that these considerations will be sufficient to induce some one of you, at least, to forward to me, in the manner above pointed out, such papers and other publications, as are likely to be of benefit to the cause of Truth and Freedom, and of which you can want no assurance of my will, at any rate, to make the best possible use.America now begins to make a great figure in the world; but, her example, which, if made universally known, would be of more weight than her military or naval P. S. Since writing the above, I have (22d May) received, from some friend in Philadelphia, a small file of Auroras, containing the "EXPOSITION of the CAUSES and CHARACTER of the War." This paper, it appears, is official, and was ready for official promulgation, just at the time when the news of the Peace arrived. I never read so able a paper; never one calculated to produce so great an impression. It is an invaluable document for history: a noble monument of the power of the human mind. If our government have received this paper, and if they will but read it carefully, they will, I am sure, clearly see, that any attempt either to delude, subdue, or check the rise of America, must fail of success.The paper would fill about four whole Registers, perhaps. But, though I cannot insert it; it will be of great use to me; and I beg the sender to accept of my best thanks. LETTER III. TO LORD CASTLEREAGH. On the hope of success, in a War against France, which hope is founded on the discontents said to exist in that country. MY LORD,-I learn, through the TIMES newspaper, that these letters of mine, addressed to you, are regularly re-published in France; so that we are in a fair way of descending to posterity together; a consideration which cannot, of course, fail to encourage me in a continuance of the correspondence. The TIMES recommends to you and your colleagues to put a stop, by the strong hand of power, to writings like mine, in order to prevent their being transfused into the French language; and, it does this in the same breath, in which it calls upon this burdened nation to make war upon France, because (as it falsely asserts) she has a tyrant at the head of her government. Such are the writers, who call for war against the French people: such, if you plunge us into war, will be your friends and supporters. I have been told, that, amongst other means, that have been made use of to impede the circulation of the Register, it has been forbidden to be taken in at Army Mess-Rooms and in Ward-Rooms on board of Ships of War. I have never complained of this. But, my Lord, it is very hard, if I am to be permitted to have readers neither abroad nor at home. And, what a cause must that be, which thus wishes to silence by the strong hand of power, all its opponents! tile to Mr. Madison; that commotions were actually in existence; that the States were upon the eve of dividing; that the President was about to be impeached; and, that we ought not to make peace, till he was deposed and punished. They now tell us of divisions and commotions in France. This is now the lure to entice us into an approbation of war. And, my Lord, to what do these commotions amount? That there are discontented persons in Fiance; that the Bourbons have partisans amongst ex-nobles and ex-priests, who had begun again to scent the sweets of feudal and ecclesiastical tyrauny, is so natural, that it would be miraculous indeed, if there were not troubles in the interior of France. But to what do they amount? We hear of breaches of the peace; we hear of political squabbling; we hear of angry and violent disputes; but where, since the surrender of the Duke of Angouleme, do we hear of any thing like a powerful opposition to the present order of things? We are told, by the TIMES newspaper, that, in one particular instance, cannon has been brought to defend the barracks against the people. 66 But the subject on which I am now about to address your Lordship, is of a But, my Lord, the very same papers more serious nature. The partisans of are compelled to confess, that some of the war, always blind to the past, appear to Belgian troops have been actually killed, be very busily engaged, at this time, in and others wounded in an effort to go over providing for themselves, in advance, every to the French; that, at Licge, some of species of disappointment and mortifica- the Saxon (now Prussian) soldiers have tion. They have, as in the case of Ame- mutinied, refused to march, and have even rica, spoken with so much confidence of attempted acts of violence on the dear success; with so much contempt of the old Blucher," whose whiskers the nasty adversary; and with so much insolence wretches in London, calling themselves have they treated him and the whole of the" Ladies," were beastly enough to slobFrench nation, that, were they not noto-ber. Nay, we are told, and that, too, in a riously dead to all sense of shame, they proclamation under his own hand, that must, in case of failure, commit upon themselves that act, which they would richly merit from the hands of a personage who is about upon their own level in point of occupation. They have now started new game; they have now discovered new ground of hope. They now tell us that France is in a state of commotion, and almost of rebellion, against Napoleon; and, that when once the allied armies begin to move into France, the whole nation will de clare for the King. My Lord, you know this to be false; but, it is no more than merely the second chapter of the delusions practised with regard to America. These same writers told | us, that the people of America were hos he has escaped assassination." We read, in proclamations of the King of Prussia, that to speak in favour of Napoleon is to be punished with the utmost severity. And yet, we are not to be permitted to doubt, that all the nations on the Continent are very hearty in the cause against France; while the most insignificant riot in France we are to look upon as the certain sign of national hostility to the present government. If, my Lord, the same criterion were applied to ourselves, what should we say? We have seen, and, I believe, we now see, more than one county in Ireland proclaimed to be in a state of disturbance; we saw, not long ago, counties in England What reason have we, then, to suppose that he is not liked by the people of France? How came he at Paris? What but the good wishes, the anxious desires, of the people, took him thither? What! are we to be made believe, that he, who went, not only without an army, but almost without companions of any sort, 500 miles through cities and towns fortified, and arrived in the capital without having seen a singie hand raised against him; are we to believe, that he is now we to believe, that Louis, who found not a single man to defend his throne; whose departure was as quiet as if he had been a traveller, lodged at an hotel; who, with all the armies, all the civil authorities, all the treasures of the country, at his command, could not, though he offered immense rewards, obtain the support of any dozen of persons: are we to believe, that the whole of the French nation are now for this king? in a similar state; we have, within these few years, seen a Prime Minister shot in the lobby of the House of Commons, and we saw great numbers of troops brought to London and stationed at no great distance from the place of Mr. Bellingham's execution. The newspapers informed us, that, in the disturbed counties in England, the Judges were guarded by troops of the fine. Mr. Bankes is reported, in our newspapers, to have said, not long since, in the House of Commons, that the military were sometimes called in to assist in col-huted by the people of France? And, are lecting the taxes in your country, Ireland. The newspapers have recently told us of two instances, at Norwich and at Lynn, in England, where the German troops were employed to keep the people from committing violences. And, how long, how many weeks is it since troops of the line were brought to prevent your own house from being demolished, as those of the Lord Chancellor and the Chief Judge's had been? Nay, were not troops of the line brought to defend the Parliament We are told, that the measures of police, House and its Members against the peo- which have been adopted in France, prove ple; and that, too, only about nine weeks, that Napoleon and his government feel or ten weeks ago? Is there any thing themselves in danger. But, my Lord, let going on in France equal to these occur. us bear in mind, that, during the war rences? And, yet, does any one pretend, against the French Republic, the Habeas that this government is, or has been, likely Corpus Act was suspended in England for to be overthrown? It is said, from the seven years, and that the King and council German papers, that Napoleon takes pre- imprisoned, without trial, for any length cautions against assassination; and, sure- of time, any man whom they thought it ly, my Lord, after all that has been pro-right to imprison; and, that, in Ireland, mulgated, and even attempted, such pre-martial law was in existence at several cautions cannot be thought wholly un- periods, and for a great length of time. necessary. But, does this argue, that the Yet, did any one ever presume to say, nation hate him? Our gracious and be- that the King and his government were Joved King went to the Parliament House, hated by the nation? and to the Play, of late years, in a bulletproof coach; but, did that fact argue, that he was hated by his people? We are told also to look at the Frenchs frends, and to conclude from their price, that the nation are disaffected towards the Every trifle, the words, or pretended government. I have shewn; I have words, of any individual, hostile to Napo-proved, in my last number, that the French leon, is greedily caught at and carefully retailed out, by the writers in London. If the press of Paris were to pursue this mode with regard to our government, what would it make of the pithy precepts and sentiments, written on the walls in and about London, where any one may easily find words in praise of Napoleon, but I will not say what is to be found with regard to others. Why, if the walls of Paris were written over in such a way as to Napoleon and his government, we should be told hourly to expect to hear of his total destruction. funds are very nearly as high in price as ours are. I have demonstrated this: but, is there no other cause for low price of public funds in France besides that of the disaffection of the people? The wonder is, that when a million of men are preparing to invade France, the funds sell for any thing at all. Their being at 60, under such circumstances, proves the great confidence of the nation. If we were upon the point of being actually invaded; if we saw only 100 thousand men on board of boats in Bologne harbour ready to sail for England, and had no defence but a land |