This is the scene of 1793 returned: all the sovereigns of Europe combined against the French nation and its principles of government. That this is the true Pitt system no one will deny; and, we shall now see to what it will bring France, the rest of Europe, and ourselves. The preparations on both sides are enormous; all the means of destruction that Europe affords have been collected, or are collecting; all the treasures that Europe affords are ready to pour forth; all the hostile passions are rouzed. That we shall witness carnage most horrible I have not the least doubt; that we shall again hear of very rigorous proceedings in France is to be expected; popular vengeance will again, perhaps, surpass the bounds of ordinary justice; the bosom of that fine country may again be lacerated by her own children as well as by their enemies; but I do not believe, that, let what else will happen, the Bourbons will ever again be placed on the throne of France; I do not believe, that the French people will ever again submit to their sway. "management and address, and they were to pay subsidies to the invading conți"received by the people with equal grati-nental armies. ❝tude. In the course of yesterday this "important intelligence was confirmed, "by the arrival of the Cephalus sloop of "war at Portsmouth from the coast of "France, which, according to a telegraphic message to the Admiralty, did not quit "her station until it was known that the “insurrection was general, the white "cockade mounted, and the cause of "Louis XVIII. every where proclaimed, "Immense numbers trooped to the Royal "standard.. Report, though probably "with some exaggeration, made them al"ready amount to 50,000. Among the "leaders are the friends, the relatives, "the avengers of those glorious men, who "fell in the cause of their country in the field, on the scaffold, and in the dun<6 geon. There is the son of the truly 46 great Charette: there are the associates of Sombreuil, and Georges, and Frotte." Thus, then, even before war has been declared, it is publicly announced, that we have sent arms to assist insurgents in France. How exactly the present state of things resembles the state of things in 1793 and 1794! The following is pub I grant, that, if once entered into the lished, in the TIMES newspaper of 22d war, the stimulus to exertion and perseinstant, as an extract of a Proclamation, verance, on the part of the coalition of issued at Petersburgh on the 25th of Sovereigns, will be greater than ever it April addressed to the French people has before been; for, if they be now com"You entered my territories, unprovoked, pelled to leave France with her princi"with fire and sword, you plundered and ples, after a war of any duration, they "destroyed wherever you came; you en- must see that those principles will not be "tered my capital, which you laid waste.long in making their way over all Europe, "I entered your territories, and took even to its utmost bounds. They must your capital, but destroyed nothing. see that this is the last war on the subject ; Again, unprovoked, you raise the the last agitation of the questi m. But, on 66 sword, and destroy the peace of nations. the other hand, the French people must "I will now enter your territories, once see that their fate depends upon their exermore, to conquer peace; and wherever tions and perseverance. They will all now "Imeet with resistance, I will UTTERLY be armed; the whole of that populous DESTROY YOU FOR YOUR PER- country will be in motion; already the "FIDY." Whether this be authentic or old confederation appear to be reviving. not, as such it has gone forth to the world, If there be no neutrality allowed out of and, of course, to France. Louis, on his France, we may be assured, that none part, tells the French, that his only error will be allowed in it. If the rich be diswas too much clemency; but there are inclined to bestir themselves, the poor times, when every thing may be pardoned will take the riches along with the office but a perseverance in crimes. All this is of defending them. The men who now com. so like the proclamation of the Duke of pose the government of France are not Brunswick, and the proclamations from men to stop at the end of a part of their Coblentz, that no one can pretend that it means. They will say, "France must has the smallest pretensions to novelty." be defended. Without new confisca To wind up the whole, England has agreed "tions; without new seizures of the 66 46 "wealth of egotists; without new com- leon should resort to a similar vigour, "mittees of surveillance; without new under the circumstances that are now ap"revolutionary tribunals; without a proaching. Our writers cry aloud against new deportation of priests and ex-no-Napoleon's resorting to the levy of a mil❝bles; without all, or any of these, if lion, or two, of National Guards. They "possible; but, at any rate, France must call this a horrible tyranny. To be sure, “be defended." I lay little stress, there- because it is formidable to his enemies, fore, on the accounts which are given us, who seek his destruction. CHATEAUof the respectable towns-people, the re- BRIAND, from the "Council Chamber" spectable proprietors, the respectable at Ghent, talks of the danger of this professional men, being for the King. disastrous conscription. Well he may. These respectable people must march and But he says, that, luckily, the invasion of fight, or their professions, as in the first France, last year, destroyed several manuwar, will serve as a reward for those who factories of arms. Courage! Monsieur le will fight and who are without posses- Viscomte de Chateaubriand! Armless as sions. they will be, you would not, I imagine, Napoleon is very violently abused, in care to face any one of them, even with our newspapers, for having put 50,000 Lally Tolendal at your back. This callmuskets into the hands of the artizans anding out of the National Guard, Monsieur labourers of the suburbs of Paris, whole Viscomte calls an "immense haul; a are compared to the inhabitants of Rag-"general proscription; an extermination fair and St. Giles's. But, these writers" of the French people at a blow; a frighttell us, very often, of men charged with "ful and monstrous thing." crimes being sent by our magistrates to the fleet or the army, instead of being sent to prison as malefactors. If our country were invaded, would not the government accept of the offers of labourers and artizans? If the rich, in France, should (I do not believe they will) endeavour to remain neutral, is there any chance of our seeing them so remain with impunity? If there be one rich to five poor, and if he does not contribute the means to enable the five to act, himself setting the example, those means will, of course, be taken from him and given, in one shape or another, to the five poor. This was the principle upon which the French nation acted before; and, if necessity again puts this principle in practice, the consequences will naturally be the same as before. Turning from this sorry bombast, this ridiculous trash, we may I think, look upon it as certain, that to keep the Bourbons upon the throne of France, if once placed there, would require foreign soldiers stationed in every city, town, village and hamlet, unless those Bourbons governed upon the present principles. To conquer, in such a way, such a nation as France, is impossible. Language does not contain the words to describe the means of effecting such subjugation. All the hired troops in all Europe would not take from the people of France their lands, or make them pay tythes, or submit to feudal rights and laws. And yet, if this be not done, "French principles" remain, and the Pitt system has accomplished nothing but the distress and degradation of England and the creation of an American navy. If my view of the matter be, therefore, at all near the truth, it is not a holiday war, Thus, Sir, I think, I have shewn, that on which we are about to enter. Nor is that system, which is still called the Pitt it likely to be a very halcyon time with system, has completely failed in all that those, whom we say we have for our it professed to have in view, and that it is friends in France, and of whose punish-in a fair way of completely succeeding in ment, if detected, it is impossible that we destroying all that has supported it. But, can have the face to complain. "AI must not conclude without clearly provigour beyond the law" was justified in testing against being understood to asEngland at a time when England was not cribe this system exclusively to one of the invaded; when she had all Europe fight-two political parties who have so long ing on her side against France; when been striving against each other for the there was scarcely a possibility of an possession of power. The party who are enemy setting foot on her shore. We now out of place, did, when they were in cannot, therefore, be surprised, if Napo-place, pursue precisely the same system. Indeed, they defended their measures by of which Mr. Chateaubriand speaks so asserting that they were consonant to the feelingly and so foolishly; one of the links principles and system of Pitt, and that he in the chain of the "social system," which would have done the same under like cir- has recently been under the hammers of cumstances. This the other party used to so many able artizans at Vienna. The deny. Both parties pretended that they Regular Government of Algiers does not were, and still pretend that they are, the make any prefaces to war. It observes a followers of Pitt. "Ours is his system," dignified silence till it has actually begun say one party. No," say the other, and made some progress in the war! Till "it is we who possess his true system." it has made a good haul of the enemy's Like the two convents of monks, who, in ships, before he knows that he is looked their holy zeal, blackguarded each other upon as an enemy. This is the practice of for four centuries, each of them swearing the Regular Government; the "ancient that they possessed exclusively the real and venerable institution, in Algiers." cross on which Christ was crucified. A mu- I shall now insert, first, an account of the tual friend to these ghostly brotherhoods, grounds of war from the National Inte!at one time, interfered, recommending & ligencer, published at Washington; next miracle to make both real crosses. But the Report of Congress upon the subject; this did not suit the brotherhood whose and last, the Act of Congress declaring cross happened to be in vogue, as they war against Algiers. For, the reader would thereby have let their rivals in for will observe, that, in the Irregular Goa share of the offerings. vernment of America, war cannot be declared by the Chief Magistrate, without the consent of the people's real representatives. I reserve a few remarks to follow the documents. No miracle is, however, necessary in the case before us. The people of England, long ago cured of party delusions; long ago sickened by the professions of hunters after place; long ago disgusted with the wrangling of the OUTS and the INS, whom they have constantly seen unite and cordially co operate against reform; the people are quite willing to give them both credit for possessing the real Pitt system, and to believe, that, if those who are now OUTS were INS, they would do precisely that which is now doing, and that which will be done, by their opponents. I am, Sir, with great respect, AMERICA AND ALGIERS. As the war, which has now begun between the Democratic Rulers" of America and the "Regular Government" of Algiers, may lead to important consequences, it is proper to insert here the grounds of this war, as far as we can come at them. We have the American official documents only. America has a tell-tale sort of government. It has no state secrets. It blabs out the proceedings in negociations, while the negociators are still assembled. Not so the Regular Government of Algiers, which is one of the "ancient and venerable institutions" which the Bostonian Noblesse so much admire; one of the "gems in the crown of ancient glory," 66 Grounds of the War.-From the National It is probable that many of our readers may not bear in mind the facts on which the recent Declaration of War against Algiers is predicated. We have, therefore, obtained for their information, the Report made on the subject by Mr. Gaston, of the House of Representatives, chairman of the committee, to whom the bill was recommitted in secret sitting. The documents accompanying the Report, which are too long, and perhaps not proper, for present publication, are so conclusive, as to leave no doubt on the mind of any one who hears or reads them, of the impossibility of re-establishing Peace with the Dey of Algiers, unless by coercion, except under the most base and humiliating condition. Our readers may judge of the inveterate hostility of that barbarian tyrant towards us, growing merely out of the most sordid cupidity and natural ferocity and cruelty of temper, by two or three facts, collected from a momentary glauce at the documents accompanying the Report of the committee.-A person was entrusted, as from the American merchants in Spain, with the task of endea vouring to procure the liberation of the eleven or twelve of our citizens captive in and concealing her true American character. In this vessel was taken a Mr. Pollard, who claims to be an American citizen, and is believed to be of Norfolk, Virginia, and who, as an Ame Algiers, for whom he was authorised to give a ransom, not exceeding 3000 dollars per man. To every attempt of this kind, the Dey replied, "that not for two mil"lions of dollars would he sell his American citizen, is kept in captivity. The governriçan slaves!" In reply to an appli- ment, justly solicitons to relieve these unfortucation, in the most confidential manner, nate captives, cansed an agent, (whose connec to one of the Dey's ministers, to know the tion with the government was not disclosed) to terms which the Dey expected to extort be sent to Algiers, with the means and with infrom the United States (by keeping our structions to effect their ransom, if it could be citizens slaves) in the event of a treaty doue at a price not exceeding three thousand with them, it appears, that "it was a set- dollars per man. The effort did not succeed,' "tled point with the Dey, from which he because of the Dey's avowed policy to increase » "could by no means swerve, that in the the number of his American slaves, in order to "first place, for the privilege of passing the be able to compel a renewal of his treaty with "streights of Gibraltar, two millions of the United States, on terms suited to his rapa"dollars would be required of the Ame- city. Captain Smith, Mr. Pollard, and the Mas"rican Government, and THEN the stipu-ter of the Edwin, are not confined, nor kept at "lations of the late treaty might be re"newed (the old tributary treaty) after "paying up all arrears of tribute," &c. &c. THE REPORT. hard labour; but the rest of the captives are subjected to the well-known horrors of Algerine slavery. The Committee have not been apprised of any other specific ontrages upon the persons or property of American citizens besides those stated; and they apprehend, that the fewness of these is attributable to the want of opportunity and not of inclination in the Dey, to prey upon our commerce, and to enslave our citizens. The war with Britain has hitherto shut the Mediter ranean against American vessels, which, it may be presumed will now shortly venture upon it. The committee are all of opinion, upon the evidence which has been laid before them, that the Dey of Algiers considers his treaty with the United States as at an end, and is waging war against them. The evidence upon which this is founded, and from which are extracted the facts above stated, accompanies this report, and with it is respectfully submitted AN ACT The committee to whom has been referred the bill for the protection of the United States "against the Algerine cruizers," with instructions to enquire and report in detail the facts apon which the measure contemplated is predieated, report-- That in the month of July, 1812, the Dey of Algiers, taking offence, or pretending to take offence, at the quality and quantity of a shipment of military stores made by the United States, in pursuance of the stipulation in the Treaty of 1795, and refusing to receive the stores, extorted from the American Consul General at Algiers, by threats of personal imprisonment, and of reducing to slavery all Americans in his power, a sum of money claimed as the arrearages of Treaty stipulations, and denied By the United States to be due; and then compelled the Consul, and all citizens of the United States at Algiers, abruptly to quit his dominions. -It further appears to the committee, that on the 25th of Angust following. the American brig Edwin of Salem, owned by Nathaniel Silsbee of that place, while ou a voyage from Malta to Gibraltar, was taken by an Algerine Corsair, and carried into Algiers as prize. The com-gress assemble, That it shall be lawful fully to mander of the brig, Captain George Campbell Smith, and the crew, ten in number, have ever since been detained in captivity, with the exception of two of them, whose release has been effected under circumstances not indicating any change of hostile temper on the part of the Dey. It also appears, that a vessel, sailing under the Spanish flag has been condemned in Algiers, as laying a false claim to that flag, For the protection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerine cruizers. WHEREAS, the Dey of Algiers, on the coast of Barbary, has commenced a predatory warfare against the United States BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Con equip, officer, mau and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States as may be judged res quisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean aud adjoining seas. Sect. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective * public vessels aforesaid, to subdue, seize, and make prize of all vessels, goods, and effects, of or belonging to the Dey of Algiers, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port, to be proceeded against and distributed according to law; and also, to cause to be done, all such other acts of precaution or hostility, as the state of war will justify, and may in his opinion require. these latter were entering upon war with US! some of our modest and honest gentlemen; some of our most honourable men, have called America an assassin, because she made war against us, while we were at war with Napoleon. What will they say now of the venerable head of this African state? The same honourable worthies have said, that because America went to war with us, while we had to fight Napoleon, she was the slave of Na Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That on the - application of the owners of private armed vessels of the United States, the President of the United States may grant them special commis-poleon. But I hope they will not apply sions, in the form which he shall direct under the this reasoning to the present war between seal of the United States; and such private armed America and Algiers: I fervently hope, vessels, when so commissioned, shall have the like that no one will pretend, that, because authority for subduing, seizing, taking, and bring. Algiers went to war with America while ing into port any Algerine vessels, goods or ef- America had to fight us, Algiers was the fects, as the above-mentioned public armed vesslave of England! As to the result of sels may by law have; and shall therein be sub. the war, I have no doubt, that the Dey ject to the instructions which may be given by will not have to rejoice much at the sucthe President of the United States, for the regnstead of millions of dollars are likely to be cess of his undertaking. A dry blow inlation of their conduct, aud their commissions shall be revocable at his pleasure: Provided, That before any commission shall be granted as aforesaid, the owner or owners of the vessel for which the same may be requested, and the commander thereof for the time being, shall give bond to the United States, with at least two res ponsible sureties, not interested in such vessels, in the penal sum of seven thousand dollars, or if such vessel be provided with more than one hun dred and fifty men, in the penal sum of fourteen thousand dollars, with condition for observing the treaties and laws of the United States, and the instructions which may be given as aforesaid, and also for satisfying all damages and injuries which shall be done contrary to the tenor thereof, by such commissioned vessel, and for delivering up the commission when revoked by the President of the United States. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any Algerine vessel, goods or effects, which may be so captured and brought into port, by any private armed vessel of the United States, duly commissioned as aforesaid, may be adjudged good prize, and thereupon shall accrue to the owners, and officers, and men of the capturing vessel, and shall be distributed according to the agreement which shall have been made between them; or, in failure of such agreement, according to the discretion of the court having cognizance of the capture. There is one circumstance connected with this Algerine war, which I think worthy of particular notice; and that is, this regular government began, it appears, its depredations on the Americans, just as his portion. As an Englishman, I must wish, that the Algerines may be beaten by those, who have, unfortunately, so often beaten my own countrymen.-The TIMES newspaper has told us, that it is suspected, that the Algerine war is, with America, a PRETEXT for increasing her navy. Indeed, Doctor! and, in what civilian have you discovered, that America is restrained from augmenting her navy at her pleasure? What need has she of pretexts? I know, indeed, that, amongst your other follies, you did, during last summer, insist upshe should, at last, be compelled to stipu on it, that, in making peace with America, late not to have any ships of war beyond a certain size and number. But, the stipulation was not obtained; and now, stead of big menaces, you throw out your suspectings for the cogitations of the wise John Bull.-Away driveller! and await a similar fate to your predictions as to the humiliations of France. in OVERTURES OF PEACE FROM THE 1815, My Lord-The Emperor was anxious to express directly to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent the sentiments which inspire him, and to make known to him the high value which he places on the maintenance of the peace happily existing between the two countries. I am commanded in consequence, my Lord, to address to |