66 of those worthy and zealous gentlemen, the VI. Of the small means of the French to defend themselves. Upon this subject it was said— By the EARL of LIVERPOOL, that "the "sentiments of the bulk of the French "nation were extremely averse" to "Napoleon. "the stipulations of the Treaty, but had,"gency."-Hourra, Pat! here we go at 66 66 fifty thousand men, besides what was 66 already stated. That collective mass was independent of the force of the "three great Powers, and the force of "Great Britain and Holland.-The Bri tish force would be 50,000 men, and "the King of the Netherlands was to furnish an equal amount of 50,000. 66 men to the Confederacy. There were 66 actually 30,000 of them in service and "in the field, and the remainder of the "force was in a state of preparation and 66 was expected to be soon ready. Tak- Austria Russia Prussia. 300,000 225,000 236,000 Collective States of Germany 150,000 50,000 50,000 1,011,000 "It formed a total of one million and army of the Emperor of Russsia as"sembled on the frontiers of his domini669 ons, and ready to act in case of exiDilcounts. By 66 MR. GRATTAN, that "the French 66 power had in other respects been “diminished. Bonaparte had no cavalry; he had no money; he had no title, nor any credit. The people had never regreted his absence; 66 on the contrary, they were over"joyed at it. Indeed, how could they regret the man who had im"posed on them a military joke"who had taken their money by his σε 66 own decrees--who had robbed them 66 of their children by an arbitrary "conscription? The people would "not rise in favour and support of a conqueror who had proved "himself an oppressor of France. "On the contrary, they would be 66 glad to see the Allies triumph over "him, for they must clearly see, that "when the conqueror was removed "the oppressor would be removed "also. The first powers of Europe "had now united to remove the "oppressor, and it would be ridícu"lous to suppose that the French 66 people would break their oaths "pledged to a mild and merciful So"vereign, for the purpose of saddling "themselves with the eternal damna"tion of a military despotism.". That, "his" (Napoleon's) " power was at present tottering to the very buse." 66 By MR. PLUNKET, that "If we were to "tell the French people that we were "ready to negociate with Bonaparte 66 as their ruler, it would at once "destroy all the hopes that might. now fairly be entertained of the co"operation of a considerable portion "of the nation. When, however, we saw the situation in which Bo σε Botley, near Southampton, 7th June, 1815. tional Intelligencer of the 23d of April, I have received by post a single Naand NILES'S WEEKLY REGISTER, of April 1st and 8th, 1815. They were under covers, and directed to " Botley, near London." It should have been By yourself, my Lord, that "The mili-" Botley, near Southampton." They were tary force of ALL THE REST OF "EUROPE was combined against "the HALF OF FRANCE." Hourra, hourra, Pat! Here we dash at the Jacobins, as we did at the Yankies. VII. Of the Morality of the Subsidies.-Mr. PLUNKIT said, that "We had 66 now a most powerful combination ❝of Allies, not fomented by us, but 66 acting from the moral feeling which "pervade all Europe. If we were "foolish enough to throw away those means, we could never hope to re"cal them. Those of his friends who "had talked the most about husban"ding the resources of the country, "had confessed, that when an occa❝sion should arrive, when some im 66 66 portant blow could be struck "against the enemy, that system "should be no longer persevered in. "That important crisis had now ar"rived. It was vain to expect that more favourable opportunity "would ever arrive. All the great powers of Europe were now with us, and a considerable portion of "the population of France. 66 a put into the post-office at Portsmouth, only 14 miles from Botley; but, having the word London upon them, they were sent on thither. I beg Mr. NILES and the person who sent me the Intelligencer, to accept of my best thanks. I am very highly flattered at perceiving, that a work precisely upon the model, and with the title of my own, should have been established in America, and carried on already to the eighth volume.-I hope Mr. NILES will-continue sending me his Register. He shall have Cobbett's Register sent him as regularly as possible.-I beg my Correspondents to look at my Notices in the two last Numbers. WM. COBBETT. MODERN FORGERIES. MR. COBBETT,-The French Government invite the distinguished English at Paris to visit the archives, for the purpose of witnessing the base falsification of documents, made with a view to support the recent political arrangements of the Congress; and that such falsifications have taken place no discerning man in Europe. can doubt. It is, however, unnecessary falsifications; a similar maneuvre having to go to Paris to witness the fraud of such just been played off on the whole English nation, so barefacedly, that all may detect it, in an important document, lately laid officially before the House of Comyour last Register. mons, a copy of which you inserted in In the ENGLISH TRANSLATION of this document, M. de Caulaincourt, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, who may be supposed to have written under the imme diate eye of the Emperor, is made, in the official translation, to say, in speaking of Napoleon's recal to the throne of France, that His Majesty prides himself above 66 DEUR, is insidiously and dishonestly per- I am, Sir, your constant reader, To THE THINKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, TION. "all on the reflection, that he owes it en- | expressible by the English words UNPRO"tirely to the love of the French people,| FITABLE GREATNESS, OF FRUITLESS GRAN"and he has no other wish than to repay "such affections no longer by the trophies "of VAIN AMBITION, but by all the advantages of an honourable repose, and 66 by all the blessings of a happy tran"quillity." Now, Sir, who would suppose, in reading this passage, but that the Emperor Napoleon, penetrated with compunction for his past errors, had been led to confess, through his Minister, that he had been heretofore stimulated by 66 vain ambition," the vice so currently attributed to him by the prostituted press of Eng- London, May 28, 1815. land?-Their point in truth was thus accomplished. They had for years accused Bonaparte of disturbing the world by his "vain ambition;" and here they give it under his own hand, or, which is the same thing, under the hand of his confidential Minister. Doubtless you and the public at large have been struck with this extraordinary confession, made in the face of a thousand facts, which give it the lie direct, it being most notorious to every one who has lived with his eyes open since the year 1799, that Bonaparte's career began by the restoration of a general peace, and has been uniformly marked by endeavours to remain at peace with all those who chose to be at peace with him; his overtures and solicitations in favour of peace savouring of pusillanimity, and sometimes leading to war, by affording grounds for a charge of weakness on his part. I was led, therefore, to notice this passage in the French original, as presented to the Houses of Parliament, when, to my utter astonishment, I found nothing about "vain ambition," or any sentiment which justified the use of this favourite phrase of our war faction! No man, Mr. Cobbett, understands the French language better than yourself; behold then the original phrase of M. de CAULAINCOURT'S letter, "Sa Majesté s'ho-placency by those of this country, whom si66 nore sourtout de la de voir uniquement "à l'amour du peuple Français, et elle 66 ne forme plus qu'un désir, c'est de 66 payer tant d'affection, non plus par des trophées d'une trop infructuese grandeur, mais par tous les avantages, d'un "honorable repos, par tous les bienfaits "d'une heureuse tranquillité." Here, every person who understands French, or who is competent to consult a French dictionary, will find that a moral sentiment, 66 MY FRIENDS.-It might be well for you to consider the terrific scene, which is pendant over your country, and over Europe. The moments are few, but they may yet serve for the public expression of popular opinion against a war with France, which your Regent and a large proportion of your Aristocracy has determined on. Consider how similar the occasion and commencement of this war is to that of the first one, which arose out of the French Revolution. It is the dread of the success and of the ultimate spread of that spirit, of that Revolution which has alarmed the feelings, and aroused the indignation of our trembling Aristocracy.-The expulsion of one dynasty, and the popular adoption of another; the extinction of old titles, the forfeiture of property, the dissolution of a powerful church establishment, the amelioration of the condition of the great mass of the people, who then became independent; these are too formidable objects to be viewed with com milar events might place in similar situations. This is the dread, this causes the panic, and this, this only, is the reason why you are to be engaged in a war, of which no man can calculate the conclusion or the consequences. To make this war palatable, to make it appear necessary for your interest, the base hirelings of every description are using every species of deception and falsehood. One hour we are told, that Bonaparte can never take the even the demand for coarser articles is so field because the late King, good man, (after he had packed up the Crown jewels we suppose) ordered all the powder and powder-mills to be destroyed. Now is it to be believed, when Soult had the direction of the war department, aided by other Marshals who were planning Napoleons return, that such an order would have been executed at the last moments of the Kings authority; and had it really happened, is it forgotten how in the earliest periods of the Revolutionary war, upon a scarcity of powder, how quickly the men of science, when directed to turn their attention to the preparation of this article, supplied the want. The same falsehood, the same delusion is practiced in a thousand forms. In nothing more than in the impudent statements of desertion from the French armies. I wish the issue of the question of war or peace could be rested upon the truth or falsehood of this fact, whether from the hour of Bonaparte's landing in France, up to this moment of time, they could or could not shew a list of authenticated names of one thousand French soldiers, who had served with him, and who have quitted his standard to join the Allies. The chance would be a poor one for the friends of war.-Such then are the causes of the war, and such the vile means resorted to to induce your hearty concurrence in it, that you may pay for it in taxation and bleed for it, with slaves from Russia, changelings from Germany, and subsidised soldiers from all quarters of the Continent. They tell you, it is to be but a summer's business; that the Bourbons, In introducing to the notice of my reathe nobles, the priests, the tythes, the for- ders, the most impressive and important' feited estates, the virtues, the blessings, proceeding which Europe has witnessed and the comforts of the old Regime, and since the commencement of the French, of all the Feudal System, will then be re- Revolution, few comments are necessary. stored in full and original authority; as It is a ceremony which speaks for itself, an example to all nations and all people and which ought to overwhelm with conwho dare to exert the rights of nature, and fusion all the base efforts of the vile hire-: vindicate their freedom against the tyranny ling press, who stigmatise it with the sillyof old institutions, and the feebleness and epithet of "a farce." I fear its effects wickedness of the few who lord it over will not be found farcical; and certainly. and trample on the many. As agricul- if our besotted war faction continue their turists, I think, you have sufficiently felt - industrious efforts, one of the first effects. and seen the difficulties you now labour will be the renewal of those principles of under; how taxation prevents your being | able to meet the foreign corn grower in the market. As manufacturers, you now see, that by war you have driven all na tions to become your rivals; that in the finer goods you are undersold; and that THE CHAMP DE MAI. men liberty, which may possibly shake the thrones of the Allied Autocrats to their foundation. I do not say that it will ; but it is, at least, possible that it may.- : But there is one circumstance, connected with the celebration of the Champ de Mai, joining in vows for the great object of that magnificent ceremony-all excited the most ardent enthusiasm of which the most memorable epochs have left us the recollection.-We shall not at present enter into a particular description of the buildings prepared for this ceremony, but shall merely state the general arrangements. The Emperor's throne was erected in front of the Military School, and in the centre of a vast semi-circular inclosure, two thirds of which formed, on the right and left grand amphitheatres, in which 15,000 persous were seated. The other third in front of the throne was open. An alter was erected in the middle. Further on, and about 100 toises distant, was placed another throne, which overlooked the whole Champ de Mars. The Emperor having repaired to the Champ de Mars, in procession, in the order described in the Programme, appeared on his throne amidst universal acclamations. Mass was celebrated by the Archbishop of Tours, assisted by Cardinal Bayanne, and four other Bishops.Mass being concluded, the Members of the Central Deputation of the Electoral Colleges advanced to the foot of the Throne, the steps of which they ascended, in order to have a nearer view of the Em so strikingly important, that I cannot forbear noticing it. The detestable Billingsgate calumniators of the French Emperor, have uniformly stated, as their decided and conclusive conviction, that he dared not appear in public; that when he went out he was either shut up in a close carriage or rode his horse at full gallop. What do these foul mouthed hirelings say now? What do they say to his placing himself, unarmed and without guards, on an elevated throne, surrounded not only by the people from all parts of the immense French empire, but also by the whole population of the prodigious city of Paris? And yet not a single assassin could be found in spite of all the proclamations of the "legitimate proprietors of the human race," to do the so much desired deed of putting an end to the only really elected monarch in Europe. Would any of the Emperors or Kings who have proscribed Napoleon venture so to expose themselves? I doubt much whether any of them, shining as they are in all the great qualities that adorn human nature, would choose to call about them the population of their States. At least, it would not perhaps be considered the most wise experiment, unless a body guard was previously provided to protect their sacred persons. After this new proof of the at-peror, and to be better seen by him. tachment of the French people to Napo- They were about 500 in number. They leon, let us hear no more of the vile at- were presented to his Majesty by the tempts of the Times and the Courier to Arch Chancellor.-Then one of the Mempersuade us, that Napoleon has not been bers of the Deputation (M. Duboys d'Anelected by the free and unbiassed suffrages gers, Elector and Representative of the of the French nation. This event is preg- Department of the Maine and Loire), pronant with the most important consequen-nounced with a loud voice and much anices; but it is unnessary for me to say more mation, the following Address, in the upon the subject to such men as compose name of the French peoole :the readers of the Register.-I give them the text; they will make their own commentary : Paris, June 2.-Never did a festival more national, never a spectacle at once so solemn and touching, attract the attention of the French people as the Assembly of the Champ de Mai. Every thing that could interest and elevate the soul-the prayers of religion-the compact of a great people with their Sovereign-France represented by the select of her Citizens, Agriculturists, Merchants, Magistrates, and Warriors, collected around the Throne-an immense population, covering the Champ de Mars, and SIRE-The French people had decreed the Crown to you; you deposed it without their consent; its suffrages have just imposed upon you the duty of resuming it.-A new contract is formed between the nation and your Majesty.-Collected from all points of the Empire around the tables of the law on which we are about to inscribe the wish of the people, this wish, which is the only legitimate source of power, it is impossible for us not to utter the voice of France, of which we are the immediate organs, not to say in the presence of Europe, to the august chief of the nation, what it expects from him, and what he is to expect from it.-What |