The energy and the feelings of the speaker gradually extended to all around, and the whole Champ de Mars resounded with cries of Vive le Nation! Vive le Empereur! At this moment the ArchChancellor proclaimed the result of the votes, shewing that the Additional Act to the Constitution of the Empire had been accepted almost unanimously; the number of negative votes being 4,206. The Chief of the Heralds at Arms, ou the order of his Majesty, transmitted by the Grand Master of the Cereremonies, said, is the object of the league of Allied Kings, clare it to nations: may their chiefs hear with that warlike preparation by which us! If they accept your offers of peace, they alarm Europe and afflict humanity? the French people will look to your viBy what act, what violation have we pro-gorous, liberal, and paternal administravoked their vengeance, or given cause for tion for grounds of consolation, for the their aggression ? Have we since peace sacrifices made to obtain peace: but if we was concluded endeavoured to give them are left no choice but between war and laws? We merely wish to make and to disgrace, the whole country will rise for follow those which are adapted to our war, and the nation is prepared to relieve manners. We will not have the Chief you from the too moderate offers you whom our enemies would give us, and we have perhaps made, in order to save Euwill have him whom they wish us not to rope from a new convulsion. Every have. They dare to proscribe you, per- Frenchman is a soldier: Victory will sonally: you, Sire, who, so often master follow your eagles, and our enemies who of their capitals, generously consolidated rely on our divisions, will soon regret their tottering thrones. This hatred of having provoked us. our enemies adds to our love for you. Were they to proscribe the most obscure of our citizens, it would be our duty to defend him with the same energy. He would be, like you, under the gis of French Law and French Power. They menace us with invasion! And yet contracted within frontiers which nature has not imposed upon us, and which, long before your reign, victory and even peace had extended, we have not, from respect to treaties which you had not signed, but which you had offered to observe, sought to pass that narrow boundary. Do they ask for guarantees? They have them all in our institutions, and in the will of the French people henceforth united to yours. Do they not dread to remind us of times, of a state of things lately so different, but which may still be re-produced! It would not be the first time that we have conquered all Europe armed against us. Because France wishes to be France, must she be degraded, torn, dismembered, and must the fate of Poland be reserved for us? It is in vain to conceal insidious designs under the sole pretence of separating you from us, in order to give us Masters with whom we have nothing in common. Their presence destroyed all Gentlemen, Electors of the Colleges of the illusions attached to their name. They the Departments and Districts: Gentlecould not believe our oaths, neither could men, Deputies of the Army and Navy, at we their promises. Tithes, feudal rights, the Champ de Mai;-Emperor, Consul, privileges, every thing that was odious to Soldier, I derive all from the people. In us was too evidently the fond object of prosperity, in adversity, on the field of their thought, when one of them, to con- battle, in council, on the throne, and in sole the impatience of the present, as-exile, France has been the sole and consured his confidants that he would answerstant object of my thoughts and actions. to them for the future. Every thing shall be attempted, every thing executed, to repel so ignominious a yoke. We de In the name of his Majesty I declare, that the Act Additional to the Constitutions of the Empire has been accepted by the French people. The Grand Chamberlain caused a table to be brought in front of the throne, on which the Act was placed. The Chanwho presented it to the Emperor, and his cellor delivered a pen to Prince Joseph, Majesty affixed his signature to the Act for the promulgation of the Constitution. The table being removed, and the Emperor seated and covered, spoke in the following terms: Like the King of Athens, I sacrificed myself for my people, in the hope of realizing the promise given to preseive to France now direct their blows against my person. Did I not perceive that it is the country they wish to injure, I would place at their mercy, this existence against which they shew themselves so much incenced. But tell the citizens, that while the French people preserve towards me the sentiments of love, of which they have given me so many proofs, the rage of our enemies will be powerless. Frenchmen, my wish is that of the people; my rights are theirs ; my honour, my glory, my happiness, can be no other than the honour, the glory, and the happiness of France. It would be difficult to describe the emotions which were manifested on every countenance by the words of his Majesty, or the prolonged cries which followed his speech. The Archbishop of Bourges, First Almoner, performing the functions of the Grand Almoner, then approached the throne, and on his knees presented the Holy Gospel to the Emperor, who took the oath in the following terms I SWEAR TO OBSERVE AND CAUSE TO BE OBSERVED THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE EMPIRE. her natural integrity, her honours and her rights. Indignation at seeing these sacred rights, acquired by 20 years of victory, disavowed and lost for ever; the cry of French honour tarnished, and the wishes of the nation have replaced me upon that throne which is dear to me, because it is the palladium of the independence, the honour, and the rights of the people. Frenchmen, in traversing amidst the public joy the different provinces of the empire to reach my capital, I had reason to rely on a lasting peace. Nations are bound by treaties concluded by their Governments, whatever they may be. My thoughts. were then all occupied with the means of establishing our liberty by a constitution conformable to the will and interests of the people. I convoked the Champ de Mai. I soon learned that the Princes who have disregarded all principles, who have trampled on the sentiments and dearest interests of so many nations, wish to make war against us. They meditate the increasing the kingdom of the Netherlands, by giving it as barriers all our northern frontier places, and the conciliation of the differences which still exist among them by dividing Lorraine and Alsace. It was necessary to provide for war. But, be- The Prince Arch-Chancellor advancing fore personally encountering the hazards to the foot of the throne, first pronounced of battles, my first care has been to con- the oath of obedience to the Constitutions stitute the nation without delay. The and fidelity to the Emperor. The Aspeople have accepted the Act which I have sembly with one unanimous voice repeated presented to them. Frenchmen, when we-We swear. The Members of the Deshall have repelled these unjust aggres-putation remained seated on the steps of sions, and Europe shall be convinced of the throne, and Te Deum was chaunted, what is due to the rights and independence and the Presidents. of the Flectoral Colof 28 millions of people, a solemn law drawn up in the forms required by the Constitutional Act shall combine together the different dispositions of our constitutions now dispersed. Frenchmen, you are about to return to your departments; inform the citizens that circumstances are grand! That with union, energy, and perseverance, we shall return victorious from this contest of a great people against their oppressors; that future generations will severely scrutanize our conduct, and that a nation has lost all when she has lost her independence; tell them that foreign Kings whom I have raised to the throne, or who owe to me the preservation of their crowns; who all during my prosperity sought my alliance and the protection of the French people, leges advanced to receive the Eagles for the National Guards of their departments. The Eagle of the National Guard of the Seine, that of the first regiment of the Line, and that of the first Marine corps, were carried by the Ministers of the Interior, of War, and the Marine. The Emperor, having laid aside his Imperial, robe arose from the throne, came forward to the first steps, and spoke as follows:-. Soldiers of the National Guard of the Empire, Soldiers of the Land and Sca Forces, I entrust to you the Imperial Eagle with the National Colours: you will swear to defend it at the expence of your blood against the enemies of the country and of this throne! You swearing near 50,000 men, including 27,000 National Guards, then defiled before his Majesty amidst the cries of Vive l'Empereur ! and the acclamations of an immense multitude, covering the Champ de Mars and extending to the Seine. His Majesty then entered the military School through a crowd, which with difficulty opened to afford him a passage, and finally returned in his carriage to the Thuilleries, Cries, universally prolonged, of We swear, resounded throughout the Assembly. Amidst these acclamations, and surrounded by the Eagles of all the armed corps of France, the Emperor proceeded to place himself on the throne erected in the middle of the Champ de Mars, where, as Colonel of the National Guard of in the same order of procession as he arParis, and of the Imperial Guard, he pre-rived in the Champ de Mars. sented Eagles to the Presidents of the departments, and the six arrondissements, and to the Chiefs of his Guard.-Count Chapital, President of the Electoral Colleges of Paris, and Lieutenant-General Durosnel, carried the Eagle of the National Guard; and Lieutenent-General Count Friant that of the Imperial Guard. The troops marched in battalion and squadron, and surrouded the throne, with the Officers in the first line. The Emperor said Soldiers of the National Guard of Paris, Soldiers of the Imperial Guard, I entrust to you the Imperial Eagle, with the National Colours. You swear to die, if necessary, in its defence, against the enemies of the country and the throne. [Here all who were within hearing interrupted the Emperor with cries of We swear.] You swear never to acknowledge any other rallying sign. [New cries of We swear.] You, soldiers of the National Guard, you swear never to permit foreigners again to stain the capital of the Great Nation. To your courage I shall entrust it. [Cries of We swear! a thousand times repeated]-And you, soldiers of the Imperial Guard, you swear to surpass yourselves in the campaign which is about to open, and to die rather than permit foreigners to dictate laws to your country. Here the acclamations, and the cries of We swear, resounded throught the whole of the Champ de Mars. The troops, form MINISTRY OF WAR ORDER OF THE DAY. The most august ceremony has consecrated on institutions. The Emperor has received from the Representatives of the People, and the Deputies of all the corps of the army, the expression of the wishes of the whole nation on the additional Act to the Constitutions of the Empire, which had been sent for its acceptance. A new oath binds together France and the Emperor. Thus are destinies accomplished, and the efforts of an impions leagne, will fail to separate the interests of a great people from that hero of whom the most brilliant triumphs have gained the admira Does it intend to tion of the universe. It is at the moment when Frenchmen. The engagements which violence had extorted from us are destroyed, by the flight of the Bourbons from our territories, by the ap peal which they have made to foreign armies to replace them on the Throne which they have abandoned, and by the will of the uation, who, whilst resuming the free exercise of her rights, has solemnly disavowed all that had been done without her participation. Frenchmen will not receive laws from strangers; even those traitors who are gone to solicit amongst foreigners a parricidal assistance, will soon know and experience as well as their predecessors, that contempt and infamy follow their steps, and that they eax only wipe. off the opprobrium with which they cover themselves, by re-entering our ranks. But a new career of glory opens itself to the army; history will consecrate the remembrance of the military deeds which will illustrate the defenders of the country, and the national honour. Our enemies are numerous, we are told; why should we care! their defeat will be the more glorious. The struggle on the eve of commencing, is neither above the genius of Napoleon, nor above our strength.-Do we not see all our departments rivalling each other in enthusiasm and devotion, form, as through the power of magic, five hundred superb battalions of National Guards, who are already come to double our ranks, defend our fortresses, and associate themselves to the glory of the army? It is the impulse of a generous people, which no Power can conquer, and which posterity will admire. To arms! The signal will soon be given : let every one be at his post. Our victorious phalanxes will derive fresh glory from the numbers of our enemies. Soldiers, Napoleon gaides our steps; we fight for the indepcudence of our fine country: we are invincible. The Marshal of Empire, Major-General the Duke of DALMATIA. Paris, June 1, 1815. THE CHAMP DE MAI. Hear a powerful nation's voice One gen'ral sentiment proclaim, And all the people chorus join; The Mountain Nymph, sweet LIBERTY, Long banish'd by the Bourbon race, Epsom Church Yard, June 7th 1815. CAROLINE Printed and Pablished by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1815. [Price 15. 737] TO LORD GRENVILLE, On the Constitutions of England, America, and France. [738 leon, either in his constitution or his code, began a new. He did little more than arrange, classify, reduce to order, and provide for enforcing the laws, under whatever name, passed by the different assemMY LORD-In the published report of blies; and this was the code, which the your speech of the 24th of last month, Bourbons promised to adhere to and supon the subject of the war against France, port. So that the constitution of France, we read the following passage: 66 As to as it now, stands, has been the work of 26 “new constitutions, he (Lord G.) was firm-years, not only of study, but of experi-i ❝ly of opinion, that a good constitution, ence. It is very curious to hear so many "could only be formed by the adoption ❝of remedies, from time to time, under "the circumstances which required them. The only instance of exception men ❝tioned was that of America; but, that "did not apply. The founders of that It is, however, the alledged resem. "constitution acted with great wisdom. blance between the English and American "It was framed so as to produce as little governments which is the most interesting change as possible in the existing laws object of examination at present; though “and manners under the altered form of it will, before I conclude, be necessary, 66 government, which, though a Republic, to see a little what resemblance that of “ was constructed as nearly as the differ-France bears to each of the former governence would admit, on the MONARCH"ICAL form of OUR OWN CONSTI"TUTION." This passage, my Lord, owing, I dare say, to the want of accuracy in the Reporter, is not so clear, or so correct, as one might have wished; but, its meaning evidently is, that constitutions of government cannot be well formed all at once; that the American constitution of government bears a very near resemblance to our own; and (taking in the context), that the constitution of government now adopting, or settling, in France, is a bad constitution, or system. As to the first of these propositions: that a constitution cannot be well made all at once, it is of little consequence as to the object which I have in view; for, the French have been more than 25 years forming their constitution; and, however mortifying it may be to some people, the Jaws of France, even while the Bourbons were on the throne, last year, were, for the far greater part, laws passed by the different National Assemblies, or, as some would call them, the jacobins. It is a very great mistake to suppose, that Napo persons abusing, or ridiculing, the French constitution, and, in almost the same breath, saying, that it is no more than what the people had under Louis XVIIF. This looks a little like insincerity. ments. I take your Lordship to mean, of course, that there is a very near resem blance between the English and American governments as they really are in operation. Not as they are to be found in books written about constitutions. What Montesquieu and De L'homme and Blackstone and Paley and a long list of grave political romance writers have published upon the subject, we will leave wholly out of the question. Your Lordship was talking, and so will I talk, of things AS THEY ARE, and not as they ought to be; or as they are, from parrot-like habit, said to be. And, here, my Lord, I beg leave, once for all, to state, that I am offering no opinions of my own upon this subject, Your Lordship, according to the pubished report, says, that there is a near regblance between the English and American vernments. This fact I deny; but, that is all. I do not say that the American government is better than ours; nor do I say, that it is worse. I only say, that it does not resemble ours. Which is the best and which is the worst I leave to the decision of the reader, in whatever country he may live. |