stroyed. The Emperor, in abdicating, has of- | accustomed to admire the sentiments of fered himself as a sacrifice. The Members of the Government devote themselves in accepting from Representatives the reins of the State. (Signed) The Duke of OTRANTO, President. T. BERLIER, Secretary, &c.

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this perfidious and atrocious rebellion, "must be brought under the due coercion of the law. Not to make some examples of severity among such a horde of criminals would be to condemn the vir"tuous to a certainty of renewed and "cruel persecution. To compound with

indignation and horror professed by the Times writer against the alledged cruelties of the Jacobins, read the following extract from that paper, of Friday, and then ask themselves, who are the most deserving of the epithets of wretches, savages, and murderers? Thus, according to the last accounts re"A weak and timid wish to ceived, is situated the great empire of spare the effusion of blood at FontaineFrance. Napoleon has abdicated in fa-"bleau. has caused the effusion of ten vour of his son, who is the present sove- "times as much blood at Ligny and Wareign, acknowledged as such by the repre- terloo. A visionary hope of conciliat'sentatives of the French nation. Theing the ferocious soldiery and unprinciAllied Powers declared solemnly, in the "pled Jacobins of Paris has afforded them face of Europe and of the world, that their the means of concerting a treason the object in going to war, was to remove Bo"most disgraceful to the age. Let us at naparte from power. He is removed from least profit by this sad experience. Let the throne, and is become a private citi-us turn the unparalleled valour of Wazen. What more do they want? They "terloo to a beneficial account. To think abjured all idea of interfering with the in- of reforming a CARNOT, or a CAULAINternal government of France. We shall COURT, is the height of folly to imasee now whether they were sincere or not.gine that we can tame the ferocity of For 1 my part, I still think, as I have al- "BONAPARTE'S savages of the Imperial ways thought, that it is a war not against Guard is no less absurd. Every indithis man, or that man, but against libertyvidual that has taken an active part in and independence. The allies will shew at once by their conduct, whether this is the case. If it is, Louis will be again" placed upon the throne. How long he will continue there, will remain yet to be seen. But, at all events, the scenes which have lately occurred, without the least popular commotion, and which appear likely to occur, form one of the most extraordinary instances of sudden change, from one extreme to another, that has ever taken place in the annals of the human race. the French nation are sincere in their wish was induced to load the ungrateful with for liberty and independence, the allied "honours, and to exempt the guilty from armies, not even with the assistance of "punishment, have, at length, lost their Lord Castlereagh, who is said to be on weight and influence. The KING, in the point of again displaying his diplomatic" re-entering France has acted from the talents in a new sphere, will be unable to energy of his own mind, and that conquer thirty millions of people, animated" energy will teach him that it is as much by a love of freedom, and a hatred of their " his duty to protect and encourage the former oppressors. Success against such loyal, as it is to coerce and punish the a cause would be morally and physically" seditious. We earnestly hope he will be impossible. If, however, the Bourbons" supported in a just aud discriminating are restored, and the dreadful work of "firmness by all the Allies. We hope slaughter, which our corrupt newspapers" that no Sovereign will interpose between recommend, is indeed to be commenced "him and the leaders of the Rebellion, to on all the actors in the late scenes in" screen the latter from the punishment France, humanity will have gained little by the cessation of war, the horrors of which will only have been transferred from the field of battle to the platform of the executioner. Let those who have been

the traitors would be a death-blow to "loyalty. We are happy to believe that "the King of FRANCE has adopted a firm

and decisive line of conduct. The weak If" and temporising councils by which he

they so richly merit. Let not a band of

murderers escape, because they have "the audacity to style themselves a Com"mittee of Government. Hitherto these "wretches and their accomplices haye

6. oppress the French nation; now the "sword is broken in their hands, let us "not leave them the means of acquiring new weapons to our own destruction, "and that of civilised society."-TIMES of 30th June, 1815.

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Since writing the above, Paris Papers of Monday have arrived, in which it is stated, that "Napoleon is gone to Havre, "where he is to embark for England, accompanied by Prince Jerome, Prince "Joseph, a first Equerry, a first Cham"berlain, and two Valets de Chambre." If this step has really been taken, it need not surprise any one if it is the prelude to the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France. Thanks to the vanity, the contemptible vanity of Napoleon, and the fickle disposition of the French people, for so unlooked for a change.

"been able at once to corrupt and to army under Dumourier, it excited terror and confusion through the camp. Every one cried out he was betrayed; the army became disorganized; flight ensued, and it was not till they had reached the gates of Paris, that the runaways were convinc ed they were in safety. All the world knows how soon these same fugitives compelled the Prussians to fly before them. The battle of Jemappe, which decided the fate of Flanders in November 1792, was followed by a similar eccurrence. After the Austrians fled to Mons, Dumourier sent two brigades to occupy the suburbs of that place. On their march, the advanced guard was seized with a panic, from a strange apprehension that the Austrians had undermined the ground over which they were marching. Terror and disorder ensued, which having communicated to the rest, the two brigades fell back upon the main army, by which the Austrians gained time to effect their retreat in safety. Shortly after this, however, we find the same troops that had discovered so il grounded a fear, driving the Austrians before them, and possessing themselves of Brussels.Many other instances could be added of the same description; but these are sufficient to shew, that that sort of disaster, which led to the retreat of Napoleon, will not justify the opinion, now industriously propagated, that France has been subdued, and that the allied armies may proceed, without interruption, to Paris. In the discussions, which have taken place in the Senate and Legislative body, respecting the elevation of Napoleon's son to the Imperial diguity, the most decided hostility appeared against the family of the Bourbons. If, as it is said, the Bri

INVASION OF FRANCE.

MR. COBBETT.-Those who consider the late disaster of Napoleon a prelude to the submission of the French people to the yoke of the Bourbons, seem to forget the events, of a similar nature, which have occurred since the beginning of the revoJution. During the first campaign in the Netherlands, the French General Biren was on the eve of attacking the Austrians at Mons, with an army already flushed with victory, and which made the air resound with shouts of "victory or death." In a moment it was seized with a panic; the whole was thrown into confusion; the Austrians commenced the attack; the republicans were forced to retreat with immense loss, and only escaped entire annihilation by a detachment, under Ge-tish army have marched into France with neral Rochambeau, coming to their relief. -Notwithstanding this disaster, it is well known that the French very soon after drove their assailants from the field. When General Dumourier was obliged to retreat before the Prussians, he sent orders to General Chazot, whom he had detached with about 10,000 men from the main body of his army, to join him. This divi-government so hostile to its feelings, and sion on its march fell in with 1500 Prus- so much at variance with the true interests sians, which they took for the advanced- and glory of France. guard of Clairfayt's army. Disorder im mediately pervaded the ranks; they threw down their arms and fled in all directions. Intelligence of this having reached the

Louis XVIII. at their head, nothing more will be wanting to open the eyes of the French to the plans now forming to replace that unfortunate personage on the throne; no other stimulus will be necessary to rouse the nation, as it was roused in the early part of the revolution, to resist all attempts to impose a

But it will be said, that the near approach of the allies to Paris, precludes all idea of any resistance which the French people can offer, being successful. It is

very true, that the British and Prussian | against France ever since she declared for armies are now considerably advanced independence. What sort of ideas of into France; but it is equally true, that freedom can this child form, under the the enemies of France possessed the same tutelage of a daughter of the House of advantages in 1792, and yet were obliged Austria?-Where are the hylacon days, to retreat. "The enemy is at the gates which Frenchmen had a right to look for of Paris. Verdun, which lies in his under a free representative governmentʊ 66 way, cannot hold out longer than eight when such prospects as these seem to open 66 days." This was the state of affairs at before them?-The contemplation is that period," but the citizens who de- gloomy indeed. Still, I am free to ac"fend it (Verdun) have sworn that they knowledge, that I would rather prefer the "will perish rather than surrender it." reign of Napoleon the IId, with all its They were faithful to their oaths, and disadvantages, to that of the Bourbons, the invaders were driven back.-The only The former has the semblance, at least, doubt remaining in my mind is, that the of being the choice of the nation. The people of France are not so ardent in latter has been twice expelled, and if he the cause of freedom as they were in is again restored, it must be by the sword, 1792. So much has been done to fami- a mode of erecting a government at all liarize them with royalty, to impress times hostile to the legitimate rights of the their minds with the importance of a people, and subversive of the true prin, constitutional monarchy, and to fascinate ciples of liberty. them with the vain and gaudy trappings of ARISTIDES. an Imperial dynasty, that if they again revert to the reign of despotism and priestcraft, they will only have themselves to blame for the melancholy change. Napoleon has always possessed a great share of my esteem and respect. But I never could forget the violence he offered to liberty, when he seized upon the government, under the name of "First Consul." It was the first step towards extinguishing public spirit. What followed served only to benumb the faculties, and to prepare France for the re-establishment of that system, which it had cost her so many years of suffering to get rid of.-governed. If reference be had to the best Why did not Napoleon, at once, renounce the imperial dignity, and return to those principles which were the cause of his early good fortune, and which procured him more real and substantial glory than he ever derived from the imperial bauble? Had he done this, France would have been saved; had he resumed the endearing name and title of "General Bonaparte, Commander of the armies of the Republic," he would, indeed, have deserved well of his country; he would have drawn all parties around him. The very sound would have appalled the tyrants of the earth, and little more would have been necessary to ensure the triumph of liberty. But, no-he abdicates only in favour of his son, whom he desires to be proclaimed by the regal title of Napoleon II!-Alas! this very son is a branch of that house which has taken the most decided part

BRITISH POLITICAL OBJECTS. MR.COBBETT. The policy of the Dritish government, as well with respect to its own domestic interests, as to those of foreign relations, should be to nurture, to extend, and to establish the cause of rational liberty. What has given to the British realms the transcendant authority, and the vast political resources they possess, but the popular and liberal institutions of the legislature by which they are

periods of the Assyrian, the Egyptian, the Grecian, and the Roman governments, it will be found that the high renown and distinction of these several states, arose from the liberty enjoyed by the people, by the recognition of inherent civic rights, and by the mutual confidence that subsisted between the governing and the governed. The moment that intrigue, and despotic artifice reared their baneful sceptre, and gained the ascendancy of public virtue, all the political advantages of those wise institutions were practically lost, and delapidation and ruin marked the fatal effects of such deplorable aberration from sound policy. "Evil communications corrupt good mannerrs," is a maxim that has the sanction of holy writ, and if it were not there recorded, it is incessantly proving in the individual and national intercourse of men. It is undoubtedly

stitutional charter of Great Britain; and would no the destruction of the one endanger the safety of the other? Is it possible to uppose that the genuine spirit of the British constitution can be embattled against France, in opposit on to her establishi a similar form of government? Were the British people truly represented in Parliament, as prescribed by the constitutional law of the land, would it be possible to sanction a war against French liberty and independence by legislative provisions for its support? French liberty is only dangerous to despotic states; its tendency should awaken no apprehension in the British government; it will be more likely to justify and confirm the constitutional excellencies of that government, than at all to invade or undermine them. Great Britain and America should be earnest in their devotion to the ameliorated state of French government; they should regard it as another important link in the chain of power, that promises ultimately to extend and establish the influence of political liberty over the habitable world. The prejudices, habits, and ignorance of national slavery must gradually give way to an enlightening system of education, before the example of legislative liberty, constitutionally provided for in England, America, and France, can become as universal as it is necessary to the wants and happiness of mankind. A TRUE BRITON.

ON THE TERM PETITION.
MR. COBBETT.-The admirable obser-

vations, recently made in his place in the House of Commons, by Sir Francis Burdett, in the memorable instance of presenting the Westminster Petition against the present war, are well adapted to enlighten the British people in the genuine political quality of a constitutional petition. It is quite clear, what, in the framing of that privilege, must have been designed by it; but the choice of the term for claiming that right is not correctly significant of its real import. To petition, literally means, to pray, to supplicate, to beg. How is this servile cringing attitude of spirit consistent with the moral power and freedom of requiring, of demanding, of insisting, on an indefcasible right?

Where are the respective authority and dependence existing, which would warrant the representative office of the House of Commons in saying, that the tive possesses a power to which the reprerepresentasented are so subjected that they cannot be either relieved, or discharged from its obligations, but by the sort of favour that may be shewn to humility of petitioning or praying. Does either the principle or practice of social liberty recognise a feelling so abject, so mendicating, as that which would rather crouchingly supplicate, than sternly demand an unquestionable right? There cannot be two opinions with regard to the superior power of the represented to that of the representing; the former possesses the original and immutable right; the latter has only the exercise of its delegated authority, and to which it can have no moral claim longer than it be merited by a faithful and adequate execution of the duties imposed. The right of domineering and dictating cannot be vindicated by any provisions in the chartered liberties of the British realms, on the part of the representative towards the represented; and, of course, under no circumstances whatever, can the people be justly degraded to the low state of petitioning as a what they may demand as a right. All applications to Parliament may not be admissible; the propriety of them is justly subjected to the corrective wisdom of the House; yet, in as far as the objects of such applications were held to be warrantable, they are entitled to the most ample consideration; not because they are couched in servile language, but bestrance against either a real or supposed cause they are presented as a remouto the legislature, in the independent grievance. To talk of denying references tone of acknowledged complaint, and of city, to entitle it to any reception at all, prescribing to it the language of mendiis surely to invert the order of moral authority; it is to obliterate and eclipse the real source of power by rendering the delegated every thing, and the delegating nothing. The hackneyed forms of parliamentary petitions, the gradations of favour assigned to them, in proportion as they attain or fall short of what is regarded as the standard measure of decorous servility; and the unreserved flippancy with which they are either, in the

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