the work of his destruction might soon be accomplished: his object, therefore, is not to rouse the coun ry, but to suffer it to go drow sing on under the care of Mr. Addington and his feeble colleagues, till he is in full power to aim a deadly blow.-But, feeling as the First Consul does, how great the means we have to curtail his power, to clip his wings, he hates us with all that deadly hate, which every mind of strong passions feels towards the object which stands between it and its gratification.--But there is another cause of bitter hatred in the government of France against this country. The head of the government of France is not only the ruler of a country aiming at universal dominion but is also the chief of a sect aiming at the destruction of civil society. Lord Hawkesbury has said, that "Buonaparté has asked pardon of God and "man."I never heard that Buonaparté had abjured jacobinism, and if I had heard it, I should not believe it. It is a stain which is never washed out; it is a nauseous draught, which when once swallowed ever after corrupts the health.-The blood of Lewis the XVIth will ever stick, like the drops of old King Malcom's blood on the hands of Lady Macbeth, to the foreheads of all concerned; as yet, a sign of victory and success; but which might, with the means this country has in its hands, under the blessings of Providence, be converted into a sign of reproach, and a brand of infamy. This object of the sect has even hitherto co-operated with the object of the government. They afford mutual assistance and support to each other. The labours of the sect prepare the way for the armies, of the government; and the victories of the government enable them to promote the objects of the sect. Thus the scheme of universal empire, and that of the destruction of the christian religion, and of civil society go together. England could, if she chose, be the obstacle to the success of the one plan, as well as of the other; and she is hated for that reason, not as she deserves, but as she might deserve, if she chose. A jacobin sees in England, the possible upholder of the religion of Christ, of kingly government, of order, morality, and virtue. She might if she pleased be the champion of all these; and the successful champion too. The jacobin sees this and hates it accordingly; we see it not I fear, and I fear too do not deserve his hate. No; prithee jacobin spare your venom and your bile; we will let you go on without any restraint or opposition; we will ourselves blunt our swords, and break our musquets; give us

but peace, give us but our enjoyment of the name of peace, and we will not interfere with any of your plans, though you publish to the world by the sound of the trumpet, that our destruction is your object, and if you will force us into war, we promise you to wage it in such a way, so strictly defensively and so harmlessly, that your progress will be scarcely impeded; and you may march every soldier in France to conquer Asia, your shores will be as secure and untouched, as if guarded by your 500,000 men. Such as I have described is the spirit of hatred; the hostile mind which exists in the jacobinical government of France against this country, and which has existed without interruption or abatement from the beginning, so also will continue in all its violence to the end of the revolution. It is not the mind of Buonaparté, it is the mind of the revolutionary government, in whosoever hands and under whatsoever form it be. It was the mind of Marat, of Robespierre, of the Directory, it is the mind of Buonaparté, it will be the mind of his successor. No hope have we of change, but by destroying that poisonous source, whence all this rancour flows; by rooting out the tree which bears this deadly fruit, and giving it to be burned. What then must we do? What else but this-destroy the present government of France; the revolutionary jacobinical government, which for the misfortune of the world rules in that devoted country? And re-establish in its room, the legitimate royal government in the person of Lewis XVIII. mode of doing this which I should adopt, would be that which I could contrive most plain, most unequivocal, most public, and most complete. I would immediately announce to the world, that I esteemed Lewis XVIII. lawful monarch, and would treat him as such; that I looked on the present chief of the government of France as a rebel and usurper. I would proclaim my intention of using every endeavour to destroy that usurpation, and of employing every means I had in my power to re-establish that monarchy. If I was not afraid of frightening you by any word so allied to chivalry, I should say, I would publish a crusade for accomplishing the object of this holy cause. These declarations I would endeavour to make known in every part of Europe, and especially in France; but I would not confine myself to declarations alone, I would proceed to acts agreeable to my professions. I would immediately appoint au Ambassador, and send him to the court of the King of France. I would make a treaty with him,

The

as with the Sovereign of France. By every law of nations, and by every rule of justice as such he must be considered; and as to his court, were he in a more miserable hovel than that, which he occupied on the mountains of the Harty at Blankenburg, that hovel would be a court; aye, and a court too, were he then alone, more stocked with virtuous principles, with true honour, with a real kingly mind, than many palaces where diamonds glitter all around one. The ambassador whom I should have pointed out would have been (if I could efface from my memory the events of the last twelve months) Lord Whitworth, that could not be now: a man who has once set his foot within the threshold of a regicide tyrant, or bowed to a jacobinical usurper, is from that moment disqualified to undertake so honourable a mission, as that to which I am alluding. I know no person whom I could designate; but I would have a person possessing all the following requisites. He should be a man of the best family, of great wealth, and above all, one who has never been guilty of the weakness of ever having once intermitted in his hostility to revolutionary doctrines. But this is not all, I would provide for his convenience and suitable state, as well as for his honour. I would have the Parliament vote him such a pension as would enable him to have something like the state of a king, whose progenitors had successively sat on a throne 1200 years. I would, moreover, invite him to this country, and assign him a place, where he might hold his court, and I would take care that it should be such an one, not as the King of Prussia's pitiful sufferance enabled him to hold at Blankenburg, nor such an one as the generous Paul enabled him to keep up at Mittau; but truly one that would become his royal race, and his lawful claims. This being done, I would invite all the potentates in Europe to join in a Congress, in which the general state of Europe should be discussed, and a plan formed for giving effect to legitimate claims, and for re-establishing order and the balance of power. To this Congress should Lewis XVIII. like every other prince send his ambassador; from such a privilege should the First Consul of France, the new Government of Holland, the President of the Italian Republic, and all other States, who are under any other government than that of their legitimate sovereigns of course be excluded. Usurpers can have nothing to do with law, nor can they take any part in the discussion of lawful claims. The place which I should prefer for the meet

ing of this Congress, would be the Court of the King of France. In the mean time I would prosecute his claims with vigorous exertions, or rather I would enable him to do so. I would give him the means of doing so effectually by every thing in my power. He should be the principal, I would be his auxiliary. The army that should be prepared for supporting these claims should be his army; the generals should be of his appointment; the plans should be of his own drawing All that I could do, would be to enable him to execute these plans with vigour and effect. I would appoint a spot, where the standard of France might be displayed, and to which might be invited to come all the brave, loyal, and faithful adherents of their old master, and every other person of whatever country, whom the glory of the enterprize, the object to be obtained, or the honour likely to attend success might animate to do So. This army I would leave it to him to organize in any manner he should please. Its operations should be his own; if it was not sufficiently powerful for any object. I would give him succours; if he wanted ships to transport them, I would supply them; if he wanted money to pay them, or arms to arm them, or cloaths to dress them, all these things would I furnish; in short, I would send him forth an army as complete as I could make it, or as the most zealous friend to monarchy could wish.This is the extent of my plan. Of its success I do not feel the smallest doubt. Something short of it may do some good, but I am convinced, that nothing short of the whole will do the whole good.I have a good deal more to say to you on this subject, but my letter is already so thick, that I must defer it till another opportunity. In the mean time, in answer to some starts and expressions of surprize, which you, perhaps, and I know many others would make at parts of this plan, I would only ask, what is that, of which we are now being in dread? Of the King of France; or of the revolutionary government? And if I am told I am mad to propose such a scheme, I will say, that my object is to overthrow the revolutionary government, and then I will ask, what effect he thinks the adopting such measures would have on that government? For my own part I have not the slightest doubt, that if unequivocally adopted and vigorously acted on, we should see in six months time Lewis XVIII. reigning in France; and might make a peace with some little more prospect of permanence and security than

the treaty of Amiens could even give us hopes of; and mad as I am, warlike as I may be, this, I confess, would be in my mind an invaluable boon.-I am, &c.

INQUISITOR.

Extract from the Moniteur of the 16th July, 1803. The measure which the English government his just adopted in blockading the mouths of the Elbe and the Weser, is a new infringement of the rights of neutrals and the sovereignty of all pow

-France, attacked by England, acquires the sight of carrying the war into all the British pos sessions, and of getting possession, as she had done in former wars, of Hanover, which forms part of them; but she has not occupied the banks of the Elbe, except in the parts of which that con quest has put her in possession. She has respected the neutrality of Bremen, Hamburgh, and other Stares of the Continent.--What circumstance then could have authorised the King of England to prohibit neutral powers from navigating the Elbe and the Weser? It the English flag cannot appear wherever a French battery can reach it, at least it ought not to prevent neutrals from navigating wherever the chances of war have carried the French armies, and from keeping up the con nexions with each other. The Elbe and the Weser wash a large extent of neutral territories; the rivers that flow into them increase still more the commercial relations to which they afford an outlet; to shut the entrance to those rivers is to intercept the communications of a great part of the Continent; it is to commit an act of hostility against all the countries to which that navigation belongs.--England ought to have declared more frankly, that she will not suffer any neutral power; but will neutral powers suffer in their turn their flag and their rights to be despised?--If England wished to punish Germany for not having protected and defended Hanover, it is without doubt, as Prince of the Empire, that she has thought she had claims to that protection; yet how dare she claim the guarantee of the Members of the Empire at the moment she is violating the rights of one of them. The Kir, of England, in his quality of Member of the Germanic Body, had consented to arrangements; had stipulated indemnities in favour of the Order of Malta, equally considered as a Prince of the Empire. Scarcely had his Britannic Majesty solemnly signed these dispositions, when he attacks the independence of the territory of the Order. He has no right to form for himself claims which might, with more justice. be formed against him.- In finc, the measure of shutting up the entrance of the principal rivers in Germany is, like all those which England has adopted for several months, an act of blindness which recoils upon herself. She breaks

the links of her trade with Germany, and shuts up the principal means of introducing her merchandise into the Contiuept. She accustoms the people to do without the pro luce of her industry; she obliges them, in order to obtain articles equivalent to them, to apply to France, to whom, whilst the Elbe is shut, all the means of land conveyance remain open. Fury and passion are very bad counsellors.-The English journals announce, as a deed of arms of which they are proud, the carrying off French fishermen, and vet ngland aus in this instance again against herself. In rob

bing the property of these miserable inhabitants of the coast, and in depriving their families of their supporters, they render that population, whose resources they have destroyed, desperate-hey excite them to be more arduous in the defence of our territory, and in the avenging the country. They kindle the sentiment of hatred in the hearts of men who, by the obscurity and tranquillity of their lives, seemed to be less accessible to it.Thus a bad action brings with it always fatal consequences-what is unjust is never pri fitable, and can only raise the general opinion against us.➖➖➖➖ It is the nature of man to refuse his interest and his wishes to enterprises contrary to equity and good faith; and whatever his prejudices may be, he ends always in being led to the cause that is most just. Alas! what would be the fate of Europe, if there were no power in it disposed to repress the ambition of a state which reckons treaties and justice as nothing! ———————— The English minister follows the bent of his character well known to all Europe. Feeble men cannot obey reason; abandoned to their passions, they are always in excesses. A moderate conduct attests the vigour of a sound judgment: injustice and violence proceed from real weakness, as passion is the satural effect of a state of disease. How can the light of reason shine in the midst of the illusions of delirium? Are not the English people told every day that France is a prey to all disorders, and torn to pieces by factions; that the Government is without force, the public spirit without energy? Perhaps in speaking against the evidence of things, the ministers of his Britannic Majesty do not speak more against their consciences than a madman does when he shews to those around him the phantoms created by his imagination- -Woe to the people governed by men who are feeble, and who are without plan! Woe also to Europe if those men be to dispose of what yet remains of the power and prosperity of a great people.The fifth Military Division has offered a day's pay to contribute to the expenses of the war against England.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

Papers relative to the Conquest of Hanover, published at Paris, by order of the French Government, on the 14th of July, 1803. Twenty-four hours after the arrival of the Courier, with the Convention of Suhlingen, relative to the Army of the King of England in Hanover, the First Consul sent it to the English Government, in order to ascer tain whether his Britannic Majesty would ratify it. Citizen Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs, wrote to Lord Hawkesbury the following letter:-

The Minister of Foreign Affairs to Lord Hawkesbury.→ Paris, 21 Prairial (June 10.

My Lord, After a slight engagement with the troops of his Britannic Majesty, the French army occupies the country of Hanover.. -The First Consul having had in view nothing but the procuring of pleiges for the evacuation of Malta, and the completing the execution of the Treaty of Amiens, did not wish to make the subjects of his Britannic Majesty experience all the rigours of war. The First Consul, however, cannot ratify

the Convention concluded between the French army and his Britannic Majesty, and in that case, the First Consul charges me expressly to declare, that it is his intention that the army of the King of England be, in the first instance, exchanged for all the sailors or soldiers his Majesty's ships may have made or may be in the situation of making prisoners.The First Consul would see with pain his Britannic Majesty, by refusing to ratify the said Convention, obliging the French Government to treat the country of Hanover with all the rigour of war, and, as a country which, left to itself, abandoned by its Sovereign, would be considered as conquered without capitulation, and given up to the direction of the power occupying it I shall wait with impatience, my Lord, for your making known to me his Britannic Majesty's intentions.-Receive, my Lord, the assurance of my highest consideration.

(Sigued) C. M. TALLEYRAND.

General Mortier received, at the same time, orders to announce to the General of the Army of the King of England in Hanover, that the First Consul would not make any difficulty to ratify the Convention of Suhlingen, as soon as his Britannic Majesty should have ratified it himself. There is not a single man of sense in Europe, who could have doubted for one moment, that the King of England would have ratified it. -Very great then was the astonishment when Lord Hawkesbury's reply was received.

Reply of Lord Hawkesbury to the Minister of Foreign

Affairs.-Downing Street, June 15, 1803.

SIR, I have laid before his Majesty your letter of the roth instant. His Majesty has directed me to inform you, that as he has always considered the character of Elector of Hanover as distinct from his character of King of the United Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, he cannot consent to acquiesce in any act which might establish the idea that he is justly susceptible of being attacked in one capacity for the conduct he may have thought it his duty to adopt in another. It is not the first time that this principle has been advanced. It has been recognised by several powers of Europe, and more particularly by the French Government, which in 1795, in consequence of the accession of his Majesty to the Treaty of Basle, acknowledged his neutrality in his capacity of Elector of Hanover at the moment they were at war with him in his quality of King of Great-Britain. This principle has been moreover confirmed by his Majesty's conduct with respect to the Treaty of Luneville, and by the arrangements which have lately taken place relative to the German ludemnities, which were to have for their object the providing for the independence of the Empire, and which have been solemnly guaranteed by the principal powers of Europe, but in which his Majesty, as King of GreatBritain, took no part. Under these circumstances his Majesty is determined, in his character of Elector of Hanover, to appeal to the Empire and to the powers of Europe who have gua ranteed the Germanic Constitution, and consequently his rights and possessions in quality of Prince of that Empire. Until his Majesty be informed of their sentiments, he has commanded

me to say, that in his character of Elector of Hanover, he will scrupulously abstain from every act which might be considered as contravening the stipulations contained in the Convention which was concluded on the 3d of June, between the Deputies appointed by the Regency of Hanover and the French Government.-1 request you to accept the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honour to be, Sir, your very humble and obedient Servant,

(Signed) HAWKESBURY.

After the receipt of the above reply, it was made known to Gen. Mortier, that by the refusal of the ratification on the part of his Britannic Majesty, the Convention of Suhlingen was considered as null and void. Copy of the Letter written by Lieutenant-General Mostier, to Marshall Count Walmoden.-Luneburg, II Messidor, June 31.

I had the honour to inform your Excellency, that the First Consul would fully approve of the Convention of Suhlingen, if the King of England would consent to ratify it himself. It is painful to have to acquaint you, that Lord Hawkesbury has made known to Citizen Talleyrand, that his Britannic Majesty has solemnly refused that ratification. Your Excellency will recollect, that in 1757. a similar Convention was concluded at Closter-Seven, between M. De Richelieu and the Duke of Cumberland, and that the King of England not having chosen to adhere to it, he gave orders to his army to recommence hostilities. It is to avoid the renewal of the scenes that took place then, that my government directs me to inform your Excellency, that the refusal of his Britannic Majesty renders the Convention of Suhlingen null. It is evident Marshall, that England sacrifices unworthily your troops, whose bravery is known to all Europe; but it is not less notorious, that every an of defence on your part would be illusory, and would only draw down new miseries upon your country.I have desired General Berthier, Chief of the General Etat Major, to make known my proposals to you. 1 must insist upon a categorical reply from your Excellency, in twenty-four hours. The army I have the honour to command is ready, and only waits for the signal of battle. I beg your Excellency to believe in my very distinguished consideration. ED. MORTIER.

(Signed)

Letter from General Mortier to the First Consul, daten Head-quarters, Luneburgh, July 6.

CITIZEN FIRST CONSUL.-I wrote on the 30th of June to Marshal Walmoden, the letter of which I subjoin a copy. Baron de Bock, Colonel of the regiment of guards, came to me from him on the following day. He told me that the proposition for his army to lay down their arms in order to be sent prisoners of war into France, was of a nature so humiliating, that they preferred perishing with their arms in their hands; that they had made sufficient sacrifices for their country by the capitulation of Suhlingen, that it was now time for them to do something for their own honour; that the officers and the army were reduced to despair. Mr. De Bock then represented to me the extreme sincerity with which the Hanoverians had serupulously fulfilled all the articles of the convention of Suhlingen, so far as they concerned them; that their conduct with respect to us was free from any kind of reproach, and that it ought not to draw

upon them the misfortune with which I threatened them. 1, on my part, exclaimed against the of the King of England, who had refused to ratify the convention of the 3d of June; that it was the Machiavelism of England alone which they ought to blame, and that it was the constant practice of that government to sacrifice them, as it had sacrificed its friends on the Continent.-M. De Bock is a man full of honour and sincerity. lle told me that if I could make any acceptable propositions, such as to send back a part of the army in six months, to keep a detachment of five or six thousand men at Lauenburg, &c. he believed the Marshal would consent to the arrangement. My answer was in the negative, and we parted. Thad before made all my dispositions for passing the ri ver. A number of barques col'ected, as well on the Elbe as on the Elmenau, had afforded me am. ple means. The enemy occupied a position between Steknitz and Bille.- It was on the night of the 4th that the general attack was to have taken place. The enemy had procured heavy artillery trom Ratzburg, and had mounted all their batteries on the Elbe with it. I had caused counter batteries to be erected on my side; my troops were well disposed, and every thing announced a happy issus, when Marshal Walmod n sent to of fer me new propositions. -C tizen First Consul, the Hanoverian army was reduced to despair, it implored your clemency. I thought you would wish to treat it with goodness when abandoned by its own King. In the middle of the Elbe I made the subjoined capitulation with Marshal Walmoden. He signed it with an afflicted heart. You will perceive by it that his army has laid down their arms, that his cavalry is dismounted, and surrenders to us near 4000 excellent horses. The soldiers returning to their homes are to apply themselves to agriculture, and are not to suffer any obstruction. They will no longer be under the command of England.-Health and profound respect. (Signed) ED. MORTIER.

P. S. It would be difficult to paint to you the situation of the fine regiment of the King of England's guards at the moment of dismounting.

The King of England having refused to ratify the Convention of Suhlingen; the First Consul finds himself obliged to regard that Convention as void. In consequence of this, Lieutenant-General Mortier, Commander in Chief of the French army, and his Excellency Count Walmoden, Commander in Chief of the Hanoverian army, have agreed on the following capitulation, which is to be executed immediately, without being submitted to ratification by either of the two governments:

1. The Hanoverian army shall lay down its arms. These, with all its artillery, shall be delivered up to the French army.-2. All the horses of the Hanoverian troops of cavalry, and the artillery horses shall be delivered to the French ar my, by a Member of the States of Hanover. A commission shall be sent from the General in Chief to take the state and distinctions of those horses.-3. The Hanoverian army shall be dis solved. The troops shall again pass the Elbe, and retire every one to his own home. They shall engage on their honour not to bear aims against France and his allies, without being exchanged

for French soldiers of the same rank, who have been made prisoners by England in the course of the war.4. The Ilanoverian Generals and Officers shall retire on their honour to the places which they may re pectively chuse for their residence, but shall not leave the Continent. They shall retain their swords, horses, effects, and baggage. 5. There shall be delivered, with as little delay as possible, to the French Commander in Chief, a list of all the names of the individuals in the Hanoverian army.-6. The Hanoverian soldiers, after their return home, shall wear no uni form.-7. Subsistence shall be allowed to the Hanoverian troops, till the times of their return to their own places of residence. Forage shall be equally allowed for the horses of the officers.8. The 16th and 17th articles of the Convention of Suhlingen shall remain applicable to the Hanove rian army.-9. The French troops shall, concequently, occupy that part of the Electorate of Hanover which is situate in Lauenburg- Done in two copies, on the Eibe, this fifth day of July, 1803 -(Signed) ED. MORTIER, Commander in Chief of the French Army,

Marshal Count WALMODEN.

Decree of the Government of the Batavian Republic, relative to Briti h gods and merchandize.--Dated, Hague, July 5th, 1803.

1. That, reckoning from the date of this law, no articles of merchandize, coming directly or indirectly from the kingdom of Great Britain, er from its colonics, shall be admitted into the por s of this Republic; but that all goods of this description, introduced into the said ports from the last day of July, in contravention to this order, shall be confiscated, and those which shall, in the course of July, be imported through ignorance of this prohibition shall be detained; and specific notes of the goods thus detained, with the day and place of detention, and the names of all the proprietors specified, shall be sent to the State Government, that it may determine according to the exigence of each case 2. That, computing

from the above date, neutral ships bound to ports in this Republic, shall have a certificate from the commissary or agent of this Republic for commercial relations, at the place from which they are freighted, or from the magistrate of the place, if no commercial agent or commissary be there resident; and the said certificate shall state the name of the ship and its captain, the nature of the cargo, the num! er of the men composing the crew, and the destination of the voyage.-3. That no captain of any merchant ship, wanting the propet certificate, by negligence, or a change in the destination of the voyage, shall be admitted into any port of this Republic, otherwise than on condition of taking in return, and exporting a carge, consisting of products either of the soil of this country, or of the industry of its inhibitants, and amounting in value to the value of the goods by him imper.cd. 4. That it is forbidden expressly to export, in any manner whatever, any article necessary to the building, the repairing, and the equipment of ships, or to transter to the possession of foreigners, ships already built, or which may, at the date of this law, be in the ports of this Republic, which shall hereafter be built, or in any manner come into the proper possession of the inhabitants of this Republic, excepting only those particular cases, in which the Government of the State shall, to that effect, give its special consent; and on pain, that he who shall be convicted of