having directly or indirectly sold one or more ships to foreigners; or of having bought or received such ships for the account of any persons not inhabitants of this Republic, shall perfect the ships one or more, so bought or sold, and shall pay a fine equal to twice their value; or if the ships cannot be seized, to three times their value.

5. That, moreover, and with confirmation, so far as need may be, it is by antient laws, still in force, forbidden to export, on any destination, any materials for the construction of ships, or other things necessary in war, arms, gunpowder, and salt petie, except in the case in which that is done, by the consent and special authority of the State-Government, and with the necessary precautions. 6. Tha', in the last place, and with the same confirmation, so far as need may be, it is by laws still in force, forbidden to export any provisions destined for the use of the enemy, on pain of confiscation of the provisions, and arbitrary punishment, according to the exigency of the case. In consequence, the government ordains, that this present Act shall be published, and posted up, wherever it is fit that it should be known, and enjoins all concerned to see that it be exactly executed.

C. H. GOCKINGA. C. G. HULTMAN.

INTELLIGENCE.

FOREIGN. Accounts received from Constantinople correct the accounts given in our last, of the revolt in Egypt, and state that Cairo, and not Alexandria, was the place wrested from the Porte by the Albabians. This event is said to have caused the greatest alarm at Constantinople, and fleet which was fitting out there, was ordered immediately to Egypt. The Pacha of Damascus bas defeated the Arabian rebel Abdul Wichab, near Medina, and completely routed his army.-The Emperor of Russia is continuing his tour, and on the 7th ult. was at Little Asbersfors in Sweden. The First Consul having left Lisle proceed ed through Manin, Ypres, Dixmune, Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges, and was expected to make his solemn entry into Brussels

during the course of the present week. The Dutch have prohibited the importation of any English merchandize into their country.

DOMESTIC. -A Bill was brought into Parliament by the Secretary at War on the 18th inst. for arming and training the whole country. Considerable debate took place on the subject between the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Secretary at War, Mr. Windham, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Fox. On the 21st a message was brought_down from the Throne, recommending to Parliainent the settlement of some pecuniary indemnity on the House of Orange. -The merchants, &c. of the City of London have opened a subscription for making provision

for the wives and families of those who may fall in the defence of the country. The carriers in different parts of the kingdom have made liberal offers of waggons and horses for the service of government.-Lord Pelham has given orders that no neutral ships, having Italian silk on board, and bound for any part of his Majesty's dominions, shall be molested. The discussions between this government and the United States respecting the claims of the American citizens for captures by British cruizers during the last war, are now brought very near a conclusion. Last Friday the first instalment upon the awards of the Commissioners, amounting to about £400,000 became due, and was punctually paid by this government. The whole will amount to about £1,200,000. Stocks continue falling.

MILITARY.The Hanoverian troops which were assembled on the right bank of the Elbe with a determination to oppose the French, capitulated on the 5th inst. to Gen. Mortier. The articles of capitulation will be found in page 109 of the present sheet. The Gallo-Italian army which entered the Neapolitan territories under the command of Gen. St. Ceyr, is extending along the coasts, and occupying the harbours. The Genoese troops are on their march for Romagna, The head quarters of the French division will be at Taranto, and the Italian at Chieti. The preparations for invasion are still going on in the ports of France and Holland with unabated activity. In every part of his Majesty's dominions, measures are taking for placing the military on the best possible footing; and providing the most effectual means of carrying on the

war.

NAVAL.- -Advices from Genoa, of the 20th ult. state that a French squadron of five ships of the line and six frigates has

sailed from Toulon, and escaped the Eng

lish fleet stationed in the Mediterranean. A Russian squadron, consisting of eleven ships of war, arrived at Warnemunden, near Rostock on the 10th inst.- Seven English frigates and a cutter were blockading the Elbe on the 11th inst and the neutral ships which had put back had proceeded chiefly to Tonningen.-The Gazette of this week contains no official account of captures, but letters from all the sea port towns of GreatBritain furnish ample lists of valuable prizes which have been taken and sent in.

TO THE EDITOR.

July 18, 1803. SIR,-I have just read over the Summary

of Politics, published in your Register of last Saturday; and do perfectly agree with you in the statement, which you make in pages 94, and 95, that "we must become "a military people or slaves."-Indeed, this truth seems to have gained great ground of late, in consequence of the great alarm of invasion; and I am glad of it. The sooner that opinion becomes universal, the sooner shall we become such military people; and, I agree with you altogether, that it is only by so becoming that we can escape slavery. The reason for my troubling you at present, is not so much to press this necessity, as to give two or three hints concerning the manner of executing it, which, in reading your Register have just occurred to my mind.-One great misfortune, when a great work is to be undertaken, is for the undertaker to suppose, that his task is soon and easily accomplished. The effect of this opinion is, that he prepares himself to go through the job without any trouble or difficulty; and at the first obstacle is startled and disheartened. It is much better for a man to magnify to himself the dangers and difficulties of his enterprise, and then, by finding the blow so much less then he expected, he is always kept alive and in spirits.-It is therefore, of the greatest consequence, that when a great work is to be undertaken, all the difficulties of it should be well weighed and well calculated, or at least, certainly not under-rated.—It is to be observed, too, that the under rating difficulties of any sort or kind is seldom witnessed but in those, who either out of dread of toil and labour, wish to disguise them from themselves; or, who feeling a momentary impulse of enthusiastic courage, during the impulse of that feeling think themselves capable of performing any achievement however great; but, who the next moment sink to proportionate depression and lowness of spirits.--Neither of these persons are in my mind at all fit for any difficult enterprise. It is the cool, steady, persevering men alone, who ever can undertake such a task with any prospect of success. If the hill is long and steep, and without resting places, it is only by the help of a firm steady pull, without any springs or jerks, that we can ever hope to arrive at the summit.-Now, this reason. ing seems to me, precisely to apply to the mode, by which many seem to think, this avowed necessity of making the people of England a military people. They seem to imagine, that by admitting this necessity, and withal clapping a few red coa's on peoples backs (particularly, if a bill is brought into Parliament for the purpose)

the work is already accomplished. Very different indeed, is my opinion. I am afraid it must be a work of time and much labour, and unremitting care. A work of so much time, that we may not now have time enough left; but still this is our only hope, and it must be attempted; and this dread of being too late should have no other effect but to quicken and animate our exer. tions. Now, Sir, with respect to what is, and may be called "a Military People," and the mode of making a people such an one, I perhaps, may differ from the fashionable opinion, as much as I do differ from it with respect to the difficulties of the undertaking. Every man in the kingdom may have a red coat on his back, and a musquet on his shoulder, and yet the people as unlike a military people, as light from darkness. On the other hand, they may be a people completely military, without a single military accoutrement or weapon in their hands. For it is not military armis, and military bodies that we want, but military minds. It is the mind that makes the

man.

A military mind prevailing amongst a people will make that people a military people, and without it no people, however well trained to arms, will ever become so.

To make a people, therefore, a military people, it is necessary to give them a mili tary mind; and to do this, you must first inquire, what is such a mind? I conceive that the very first and principal ingredient, is a thorough contempt for riches, ease, and luxury. The next no less important, a high and lofty spirit dictated by a genuine sense of honour, which will brook no insult, and suffer no indignity. Thirdly, a true generous love of the country, and an abandonment of every other earthly consideration when put in competition with its interests; such a love of the country, as makes the man who feels it, look upon its general interests as immediately affecting himself personally, and takes no consideration for his own comfort, safety, or gratification, whenever his country seems likely to want the slightest sacrifice of either. Fourthly, a love of glory, a thirst for renown, an ambition of distinguishing himself by great and useful exploits.This I look upon as

the feelings of a military mind; and without which no mind can so be called--and when a people generally entertain these feelings, and not till then, shall I call it a military people.

This, then, however difficult the task, however great the labour, we must do. It must instil into the people all these feelings, or become the slaves of France, of Buqua

parté; the slaves of the most vindictive, bloody-minded, and impious tyrant that ever disgraced an empire: the slave of an ill-begotten Corsican, atheistical rebellious

usurper.

In my mind, then, we have no alternative; either we must submit to the dominion of France, or we must acquire generally that military mind, which I have described. There is no need for drilling and training; give a ploughman this mind, and he will be already half drilled, his zeal and good. will, will render all the labours of his instructors unnecessary.

Before I conclude, I must again urge the absolute necessity of the first-mentioned ingredient; viz. a thorough contempt for riches. In opposition to the exultation of Mr. G. Rose, at the prospect of the people becoming rich in the stocks, I must urge, that till the people have an utter contempt for stocks and stock-holders (as such) and care as little about their prosperity and depression, as about the whistling of the wind, they can never become a military people, they can never have a chance of escaping the above-mentioned slavery. The easiest and shortest way of effecting this, will be the ruin of the stocks, or what is called a national bankruptcy; by many thought to involve the immediate ruin of the country, by me looked upon with less certainty assuredly as the salvation of it, but with equal certainty as affording the best hope of salvation. When people have then lost their money, which now they esteem above all things, they will find that their lives and liberties are worth a little fighting for.

ANNIBAL.

P. S. Since writing the above, I have seen the Morning Chronicle of the day, and finding in it some expressions perfectly consonant to my own sentiments, very well and forcibly expressed, I have copied them out, and beg leave to send them to you in the shape of a postcript.-If there are any who entertain so bad an opinion of the populace of the country as to imagine that they are not to be trusted with arms, we can only say, that if this were the case, the country must perish if danger come near it. But in truth, the best way to secure the affections and fidelity of the multitude is to make them feel that they are important members of the state. They must be attached to their country by passion. It is not enough to preach up to them how much they would lose by inva

notion that could only originate in the head of a drivelling financier. It is unquestionably true, that the poor, as well as the rich, would suffer by French invasion. It is right to impress on the minds of the people, that the conquest of England would plunge them in beggary and ruin. But nevertheless they must be inspired with a filial love for their country, they must feel for its honour and glory. But if they are thought unworthy of confidence, how can they be animated with any manly sentiment, or roused to any great exertion?

What the country wants most at this time is a martial spirit pervading every class of the community. If that is obtained, every military measure for arming the people will be easy in the execution. Without it the wisest will be impracticable. "Walled

towns, (says Lord Bacon) střed arsenals and armouries, goodly races of horses, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like; all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be stout and warlike." And how is a people to be made stout and warlike but by the "exercise of a just and honourable war." Since Frenchmen profess arms as their chief occupation, other nations must cease to boast of their wealth, their industry, and their manufactures. They must cultivate the profession of arms too, or they must be conquered.

on.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

THE BLOCKADE OF THE ELBE has drawn upon this country the rage of Buonaparté and the abuses of his hirelings, who write in the Moniteur. In proportion, however, as they are angry with us, we may rest assured, that our measures are wise and effi. cacious. The blockade of the Elbe is one of the best measures that ever was resolved It must tend to our good, and cannot possibly do any harm except to our enemy and to those who favour his cause; those who, either from weakness, or from hostility to us, are become, indirectly, his allies in the war. We gave it as our opinion, that, previously to the close of the last war, the war-like operations of England should be confined to the keeping of France shut up on the Continent; because, so shut up, she must sally out in quest of plunder, in quest of employment for her army, or her strength as well as her reputation must dwindle away from her inactivity. One species of continental war-fare, however, we connected with this general plan; that is, an invasion of France, in behalf, and in the namɛ

of, the lawful Sovereign of that country.As to the use, which the French are making of the press, it is now becoming a matter of indifference. They have already got the opinions of all the people of the Continent on their side; or, at least, the opinions of all those who are liable to be misled by the press. In this country their writings can have little effect now: if they have, the fault is most assuredly with the government. We do hear, indeed, that there is, at this moment, one London press employed in printing "a justification of Buonaparté," and we are informed, that it proceeds from a pen, which has so often been employed in belying and vilifying the King. This is an object worth the attention of the government; for, men will not chearfully go forth to meet the foe, while the friends of that foe remain unpunished. That the insolent and hateful tyrant of France should be defended by the British press is by no means astonishing; that press has defended bespierre and Barras, and it would have defended Caligula; but, that such infamous publications are circulated, without bringing condign punishment on the heads of those who circulate them cannot fail to excite both astonishment and indignation.

HANOVER.-The use, which the French intended to make of their conquest of this Electorate, has now been made apparent, through an official channel. "They only "seized on it till the King of England "would consent to give up Malta, and to "restore to France all that his fleets had "captured during the present war!" The answer returned by his Majesty's ministers is by no means sufficiently indignant; by no means sufficiently strong, clear, and decisive, to convince us, that no sacrifice will be made, by this country, to recover the desolated, degraded, and polluted Electorate. Madame de Pompadour, in speaking of the conduct of this country, at the breaking out of the war of 1759, observes: "Providence seems to have intended HANOVER

as a bridle in the mouth of the proud "and ambitious English, who, surrounded "by the sea and defended by their fleets, "would, were it not for the dear little Elec"torate, be absolutely unassailable, except "from the clouds."-Let us hope, however, that this dear little Electorate will not, after being pillaged to the bare walls, be still a bridle in the mouth of Britain; a hope which is founded on the magnanimity of our Sovereign, rather than upon any quality, or any principles, that his servants seem to possess.It certainly was wise

not to attempt to defend Hanover by British troops. Under the present circumstances, to send British troops into the territories of our helpless friends; to attempt at this moment, to carry on, against France, a war, either by troops or subsidy, in Holland, in Germany, in Italy, or in Portugal, would be, in our opinion, to afford Buonaparté the highest of all gratifications. By such attempts, we must ruin those whom our endeavours would be intended to relieve and sustain, and finally make them our enemies we should waste our treasure, exhaust our army, fatigue, fret, and wear out the public spirit of the people, and prevent the doing away of that contempt, which the treaty of Amiens has excited, in the minds of foreigners, for British policy and British prowess. No; we must so fight France as to wound her, without exposing ourselves to the reaction of our blows. We should lose no time in adding the Cape of Good Hope to the British Empire; and, it should become a sort of treason for any man to propose the surrender of that port, or of Malta, under the present distribution of European power, upon any condition whatever. Saint Domingo should, by some means or other, be rendered, for ever independent of France; unless a restoration of the monarchy took place, accompanied with a restitution of all conquests. If, after having disposed of a sufficient force to keep France and her vassals confined to the Continent, we have 20,000 or 40,000 men to spare, they should be destined for the Garonne, or some other weak part of the French territory. We should destroy Bourdeaux, and so assault every other assailable place in France, as to make the French people feel themselves disgraced. Spain should be invited to shake off the Consular yoke; she should, at any rate, be compelled to preserve a scrupulously impartial neutrality; or her valuable. settlements abroad should be seized on, or rendered independent, in which case Mexico might form a tolerably good "indemnity" for Hanover.No little peddling plan of hostilities will carry us through these times : our enemy has long ago cast off all ancient rules; no ties but those of his own interest bind him; and, though we must not imitate him in injustice and perfidy, we must imitate him in boldness, or we must fall beneath his arms.

ENGLISH PRISONERS IN FRANCE.Some persons have been proposing an exchange of the British subjects, who have been arrested in France, for French sailors and soldiers; but, if there be one drop of

honest blood left in the nation, this will never take place, without exciting an irresistible opposition. What! put men, who left their country, for the sake of mere amusement, and who remained in the dominions of an enemy who was daily heap ing insults upon England; put such men upon a level with those who are taken in battle! If such a measure could be seriously thought of by the government, we should have no scruple to say, that, for our parts, we should leave that government to defend itself. Those persons, who have been arrested, while acting there in a public capacity; we mean, in the service of his Majesty, ought to be ransomed, if it can be done upon reasonable and honourable conditions; and also such persons, being in his Majes ty's service, and having been arrested in their passage through France, provided it was necessary for them to pass through France; but, all others should be left to ransom themselves, or should remain in prison, waiting the good pleasure of the tyrant, whom they went to admire.

THE FUNDS have fallen again during the last week, and the reason assigned, is, the

unfortunate failure of the mediation of "Russia" just as if that mediation has, or ever has had, any thing in it, that promised peace to this country. It was an anodyne necklace, invented by Mr. Fox and administered to the nation with the concurrent opinions of Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt. Our readers will remember with what exultations of joy, what raptures of fraternity, the proposal to have recourse to mediation was adopted; and, they will remember, too, that we, from the first moment, reprobated the step, as being calculated to lull the nation in false hopes, and finally to expose it to the sudden attacks of the enemy.Under the head of funds it might not be improper to ask Mr. Add.ngton to give the public an account of the surplus of the Consolidated Fund for the quarter, which ended on the 5th instant! We shall, however, see it in good time; and, in the in erim, we beg leave to congratulate the Omnium eaters upon the excellent bargain, which they made with their friend, the Minister of Peace and Plenty.--Mr Corry, the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, does, it seems, not find such ready customers as his fellow labourer in England found, notwithstanding the time which has elapsed since the English loan was made, and which has given people leisure to reflect on the vast benefit that public credit experiences from raising so great a portion of the taxes within the year. These remarks do not

arise from any particular pleasure which we feel at the fall in the funds; but from a desire to point out to our readers, that, when the nation is resolved on the performan e of any thing, those funds will never prove a very serious obstacle.

DEFENCE BILL.--The bill now before Parliament for arming and training the people, is the most important measure that ever was taken in this country, not only within the memory of man, but at any period whatever of our history, from the first settlement of the Saxons to the present day.- As to the time of bringing in this Bill much censure has been justly bestowed on the ministers; for, if it had been brought in as soon as it might have been, the men of the first class would at this moment have been fit to march against the enemy, instead of being, as yet, unenrolled. Reserving this part of the subject for another opportunity, I propose, at present, to make a few observations on what appears to me to be the most material defects of the Bill, as it now stands.

1. The time of execution is far too distant. The first class are to be called out to he trained; but, as the bill now stands, it cannot be called out till within a day or two of Michaelmas, and between Michaelmas and Lady Day it cannot, according to the general provision, be called out at all: so that, this regulation, which is intended to protect us against an invasion, which is daily expected, will not produce any effect in the way of training, till after the 25th of next March! This evil will assuredly be done away; but, it must be confessed, I should think, even by the most "hardened sinner" that ever lived, that what I have here point. ed out is a striking proof, that this was at last an undigested measure.

2. The Classification is, in my opinion, injudicious, and will, if persisted in be ex. tremely injurious to the whole plan. The general enrollment is good, and the partial, and, in some degree, optional, training I must approve of, unless I contradict my own opinions, as stated last week. The division into classes is excellent; and though it did, indeed, naturally present itself, yet, as governments do not always adopt measures that so present themselves, there is merit in having adopted this. But, as to the boun daries of the classes, I differ in opinion from the Secretary at War. Four is a very good number of classes; but the lines of demarcation are not drawn at the right places. The first class, which is, indeed, the only one worthy of great attention, embraces alt men from 17 to 30 years of age, being unmarried or having no child. Now, all those