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country. What then was the answer to this? He was told by the Secretary at War, that he and his colleagues were not insensible to the danger; but the best military authorities were of opinion, that our eastern coast might be essentially strengthened and put into a condition to bid defiance to the enemy, by a judicious system of fortification. The hon. and learned member said, he believed, that he had since taken more than one opportunity of treating the substitution of this poor and pitiful refuge for the old barrier of our fathers, with something of scorn and derision: but would not any man have imagined at least, that ministers who thought in this manner, would instantly have set about the execution of some such system, during the interval of a peace, which the same right hon. gent. in the very same breath described as a hollow armed truce. Possibly, however, they doubted the opinions of their own best authorities. For during the next summer they sent to those coasts a number of ingenious young officers, to re-examine every spot, and take drawings of the whole with a professed view to the choice of defensive positions. Well; they must now have obtained all the information, which they could have wanted and the first Consul, not long after, gave them a pretty intelligible intimation, that it was time to act upon it: for letters were intercepted directing his spies, called commercial agents, to procure soundings of all the harbours and roadsteads along our coasts. Were they then rouzed to vigilance? No; they slumbered on in as tranquil security, as if they had believed, what they were perpetually talking about, "profound 66 peace." Next came his Majesty's message, calling upon his people to arm, as in expectation of an invasion. Still not a sin gle stone was laid, not a turf displaced. At last hostilities followed. And now, it might be supposed, that to recover their lost time, ministers would be doubly alert in carrying all their long-treasured plans into instant operation and effect. But what did they really do? As if they had been taken by surprize; as if the subject had never once occurred to their imaginations; as if, truly, it was not in a time of war, and under the menace of an invasion, though indeed with ample means of success prepared to their hands, that only two years before they had received the government of the country; they began to solicit every military man who approached them, and, with the rest, the gallant colonel himself, for projects and memonials, to iustruct them in the first rudiments of their duty. At the same time, they

hunted through the Statute Book for the measures of their predecessors; revived the laws that authorized the services of volunteers; drew out that part of the old supplementary militia, which they had chosen to retain; and converted the remainder, with no great variation in the original scheme of their bill, into an army of reserve. Now, whatever they may ultimately make of it in practice, they have, after much importunity of others, brought forward an act to enforce a general training of our whole military population. Yet, all this while, what is become of that judicious system of fortification, which was to counterbalance the weight of Holland, as a maritime province, in the scale of France? Where are the batteries and strong posts, which it would be a principal use of our sea fencibles, and the train-bands of the coasts, to man against the enemy? The only intelligence which we had heard concerning them, was, that a week or two since, money (how much or how little we knew not) had been at last issued for the purpose of taking measures to set about some preparations or other for beginning new works; but when, where, and to what extent these works would be erected, which were not even now in a state of incipiency, the House and the public were still left to conjecture. They had merely, what metaphysicians, in their subtleties, called a potential or possible existence; they had the means of existing; for money, the first mover of every thing, had been granted; but that they would actually exist, was still as uncertain as ever: and he must remind the sages of the Treasury-bench, that men, as wise as themselves, had mooted the point, whether an actually existing fly is not of more value than a possibly existing angel. His right hon. friend near him (Mr. Windham) had observed, that ministers, in speaking of their own measures, never used the present, but always the future tense; nothing is doing, every thing is to be done. But even in the expression of the future, they seemed to select the more distant future. In the accuracy of the first and most perfect of languages, with all the beauties and delicacies of which his right hon. friend near him was known to be eminently conversant; there was a peculiar form of the future tease, which marked, that the thing should be cer tainly, speedily, and effectually accomplished; a form, which in its very inflexion, shewed a combination of the future with the past. He feared, however, if the noble lord (Lord Grosvenor) who formerly entertained that House with the attic eloquence of Demosthenes in its native purity, and who

now, in another House, took a conspicuous lead on the side of the present ministers, should attempt to translate their orations into choice Greek, for the benefit of classical posterity, not a single passage would he find, which would admit of that emphatic tense. All was in the loose, indefinite future They do intend to begin on their system of fortifying our most vulnerable coasts; but it may, probably, be not til after the enemy has landed, or been defeated at a distance from our shores; perhaps, what they held forth to tranquillize us under the perils of the last peace, may even be deferred to the security of the next. It was difficult to fix upon them any decisive language on the subject of their favourite child, the late treaty of Amiens: but did they believe it to be a solid pacification, or a hollow truce? They sometimes had called it the one, and sometimes the other; to which would they adhere? If they did flatter themselves that it was likely to be permanent, where was their political foresight and sagacity? If they did occasionally feel a misgiving, that it could not last, why did they not occupy all the short interval in providing those means of defence, which they had approved, which they knew and had declared to be necessary, which could not have afforded the slightest pretext for umbrage to the most jealous rival; and which, when they are wanted, cannot be produced like enchanted castles in fairy tales, at the waving of a white wand? Why did they not entrench cliffs, raise batteries, cast iron cannon to mount upon them, and stock our arsenals with arms, in readiness to give every effect to the patriotism and courage of a whole people, who, if hostilities should be renewed, it was plain to foresee, must be called forth to combat to the last drop of their blood, for all that can be dear and interesting to men? To him ministers seemed to have abdicated the functions of their offices. It devolved then upon Parliament to supply their deficiencies. He wished, therefore, that some member of high authority in that house, either his right hon. friend near him (Mr. Windham), the right hon. gent. who had spoken under the gallery (Mr. Pitt), or the hon. gent. who on a former day had so powerfully supported this measure (Mr. Fox), would come forward before Parliament should separate, and perform a duty, which ministers were unwilling or unable to discharge, by animating the spirit of the nation to the pitch of the present exigency, and directing their energy, when excited, in a train of well concerted measures, vast, mighty, efficacious, every

way adequate to the demands of this momentous crisis.

Sir IV. Erskine could not agree in some opinions that had been advanced. If we were to have a field-work from Yarmouth to Portsmouth, what effect could it produce, but to fritter away the main energies of our strength? In his opinion, the only system that could safely be adopted, was to assemble the whole of our force upon one point. That point, a military knowledge of the country might easily select-it should be such as would maintain a compleat communication through the Thames; and without adopting such a scale of action, the whole provisions of the bill must prove nugatory. The fortification of the coasts would be of no avail-it would only tend to scatter our forces, while such situations might be adequately filled by light detachments of our cavalry, that may be properly stationed to announce the approach of the enemy.

Col. Craufurd complained that in most. of his observations he had been misunderstood.

Mr. Archdale warmly supported the bill. He was only afraid that the people of England relied too much on their wooden walls, and on the local opportunities of their situation. They should be alarmed-but the alarm should be a judicious one; an alarm that created confidence, instead of dismay: - it should be recollected, that the English character had displayed itself in conquering abroad, while it professed but a small degree of military spirit and reputation at home.

Sir J. Pulteney contended, that all history justified the system of fortified posts, which position he illustrated by a variety of references to ancient and modern history.

Capt. Markham complained that gentlemen had entered into a number of military details to which, in his opinion, it was not necessary or prudent to allude. As to the danger of invasion, it gave him no great alarm; if the enemy had a fair wind, and came in the force in which they threatened to come, the difficulty of their landing would be materially increased by the surf which their approach must occasion.

al

Mr. Hutchinson gave his most cordial sup. port to the bill, as far as it went; but, in his opinion, it did not go far enough. There was one part of the united empire to which the bill did not extend, and perhaps prudence might have dictated that reservation. This was a circumstance which he could not but lament; because when distrust was

once betrayed, instead of affection, you must expect hatred. This, however, was a delicate topic to touch upon; he should therefore refrain from any observations upon it, and content himself with saying, that the present measure, as far as it went, met with his most cordial support.

Col. Porter could not see what advantage could be drawn from adverting to the vulnerable part of the country. Such military discussions might as well be omitted in that House. The question was then called for, and agreed to nem. con.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Saturday, July 23.

[DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.]-The General Defence Bill, was brought up from the Commons by the Secretary at War, and others, presented, and read a first time.

Lord Hobart then moved, that the order for taking into consideration the standing orders, No. 26 and 155, be read. These orders were red accordingly by the reading clerk, and are resolutions that no question should be put from the woolsack a second time, on the same day, on any bill.Lord Hobart moved, that the said orders be suspended during the progress of the General Defence Bill through its several stages. Ordered. His Lordship then moved, that the bill be now read a second time. It was then read a second time.

Lord Hobart said, it was of the utmost importance to the country, that the bill should pass with every possible expedition. He meant, therefore, to move, that it be referred to a Committee of the whole House on Monday, as he thought the prints would be upon the table early on that day; but as some noble lords might have objections to the detail of the bill, they would have an opportunity of urging those objections on the question, "that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the bill.” He hoped, however, the objections, if any were offered, would not be persisted in, as not a moment was to be lost in giving the bil the authority of a statute. His lordship concluded with moving, " that the bill be printed."

The Duke of Cumberland said, he certainly did not rise to oppose the motion; he rose merely to throw it out to the candour of the House, whether, if the prints were not to be upon the table before Monday, it would be possible for noble lords sufficiently to examine the clauses of it, to prepare

themselves for going immediately into a Committee upon them. He did not mean to obstruct the quick progress of the bill, but he thought it right to offer this sugges tion to their consideration..

The Duke of Norfolk said, he conceived the sole question before the House to be, "that the bill be printed." With regard to going into the Committee, there might be noble lords who had objections to offer to particular clauses, in order to facilitate the general operation and effect of the bill. For his own part, it would not be conve nient for him to attend on Monday, and therefore he took that opportunity of say ing, that all of those in the country, of every rank and description, whom he had lately seen and conversed with, appeared to be animated with the same patriotic spirit, and were eager to carry the measure pointed out by the present bill into immediate execution, or to effect any still stronger measure, that government might think it expedient to suggest-being one and all duly impressed with the great urgency and importance of their services in the common defence of their country.-The bill was committed for Monday, and the lords ordered to be summoned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, July 25.

MINUTES.]-Counsel was heard in the Scotch appeal, Rutherford and Stormonth, after which the decision of the Court of Session in favour of the respondent was affirmed, with 60l. costs.-The London Quo ta Bill, and Clergy Residence Mistake Bill, were read a third time and passed.-The Chatham Chest and Longitude Bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

[DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY.]—Lord Hobart rose, and moved the order of the day for the suspension of some standing orders of the House, for the purpose of giving f cility and dispatch to the progress of the General Defence Bill. Agreed to.-He then moved the order of the day for the commitment of the Defence Bill. The object and nature of the bill was, he apprehended, so clearly displayed upon the face of it, that it required but little explanation. Their lordships were completely aware of its tendency. An act had been formerly passed to enable his Majesty to avail himself of the voluntary services of his subjects. But this did not go far enough. Any person might, according to his pleasure, even

in case of invasion, have withdrawn himself from the service. It was his Majesty's ancient and undoubted prerogative, to call out his subjects upon the invasion of a foreign enemy; and therefore this might have been done without any application to Parliament. That it was his ancient and undoubted prerogative, it would be quite unnecessary for him to enter upon any proof in that House The circumstances of the times, and the changes that had taken place during the revolution of two centuries, had rendered the exertion of his Majesty's prerogative in somne measure useless. Something more therefore was necessary. His Majesty had a right to call out all his subjects; but the intervention of Parliament was now necessary to enable him to call them out with effect. The object of the bill then was, to authorise his Majesty to prepare his subjects to act with effect, in case the appearance of the enemy should render an exertion of his prerogative in calling them out indispensable. Such then being the nature and tendency of the bill, he thought that it would experience no opposition, but would be allowed to pass with that celerity which its importance demanded. person had objections to the principle, this was the time to propose them. If none were made, then the bill would go into the Committee, when their lordships might suggest any amendments which they should think proper.

If any

The Duke of Cumberland rose and said, that to the object of the bill, which upon its face purported to be the "Defence of the Country", it was impossible any objec tion could be urged. What he had formerly thrown out went merely thus far, that he apprehended, in a measure of this importance, too short an interval was allowed between the printing of the bill and the discussion of it. We were now called upon to defend not only our lives, but what to Britons must be of far greater importance than life itself, our liberties and our ho nour. We were now to defend ourselves against an overbearing usurper, who insolently had threatened to put to death all whom he found in arms against him. That he would meet with the most disgraceful defeat, he had no doubt, but it became us to be prepared. There, was no concealing the magnitude of the danger. To avert would require diligence and activity, but with diligence and activity it might be averted. He did not wish to see the country plunged into a security-the result of apathy and ignorance; but he wished that its security should be derived from a full apprehension of the

danger being more than counterbalanced by the magnitude of the spirit and preparation which would be employed to meet that danger. His advice to his countrymen, to those who had the happiness to be born British subjects, would be, to be prepared for the worst, and not to be led away by the sentiment, which he was sorry to find had obtained currency, that invasion was impossible. The vigilance and activity of the usurper required an equal vigilance on our part. Every effort was to be called forth, but if the country were not wanting to itself, the result would be disgrace and defeat to our enemies, and eternal glory to the British empire.

The

Lord Mulgrave rose, and at some length expressed his satisfaction with the bill. It held for its object the defence of the country, and to that none could urge any objection. No person could doubt that it was his Majesty's undoubted prerogative to call upon the services of all his subjects in case of invasion. The change produced by the lapse of a long period in the habits and military duties of mankind, had rendered it necessary for Parliament to interfere, in order to give effect to that prerogative. A preparation was now necessary, which some centuries ago there was no occasion for. The King might call out his subjects, but it was necessary that they should previously be disciplined, in order to meet the discipline which should be opposed to them. principle of the bill, which went to produce this state of discipline; he, with all his heart, approved. It was the period at which it was introduced that he lamented. Why was it not brought forward before? Considering the time that must necessarily elapse before the provisions of the bill could be carried into execution, he feared that, by the neglect of having it put off so long, it could hardly be productive of any benefit for the present year. Considering that we were at war since the Sth of March, and the menacing tone of our enemy ever since the treaty of Amiens, what could we think of the foresight and wisdom of ministry, that only at this time of day thought proper to rouse the energy of the country? To the treaty of Amiens he had many objections, and had always been against the surrender of Malta. But he voted in favour of that treaty for this purpose, that all might be convinced of the impossibility of remaining at peace with the existing government of France. This conviction was produced. But when we perceived that the most ad verse to conviction were convinced that the nation were almost unanimously of opi

nion that the aggressions and insults of our foe were hardly to be endured, and that ever since the month of October last, what could we think of the wisdom and foresight of those ministers who only now were making preparations against the danger? He expressed his respect and esteem for the ministers collectively, with many he was particularly connected; but if his dearest friend were to be guilty of what appeared to him neglect and indifference, he could not at the present moment be silent. This was not a time to give way to the feelings of partiality. When the country had been so ready to go along with them, be was astonished at the apathy of ministers, who seem. ed to be afraid of expressing their sense of our danger and alarming the country. The country ought to be alarmed. He did not mean the alarm of fear or timidity, but that sense of danger that would naturally lead to the adoption of measures to avert it. He had been told, and indeed he himself had observed, that there was too great an apathy in the country. Why was this the case? Because the people expected the alarm from Government. They had been accustomed to a government whose vigilance, promptitude, and foresight, had averted dangers unequalled, both by their magnitude, and in the rapidity with which they succeeded each other. Now when the alarm was spread, such was the spirit of the people, such were their readiness to second the exertions of government, that even this measure, with all the compulsion which it went to exercise, was the most popular that ever had been introduced into Parliament. He highly approved of the measure, because he saw infinite advantage in it for future periods. Now that the spirit of the country was effectually roused, he expressed his confidence that every attempt of our foe against us would be attended with disgrace on his part, and glory and success on ours.

Lord Westmorland said, there could be no doubt entertained of the extent of his Majesty's prerogative, in calling for the personal service of all classes of his subjects; the peculiar effect of this bill was, by previous discipline and organization, to make them more serviceable than they would otherwise be, when the occasion of exerting that prerogative might occur. Notwithstanding the general conduct of ministry was represented by the noble lord who spoke last as weak and tardy, his lordship contended, that the present measure, when taken in connexion with the other preparations, and the efficient system by which it was preceded, shewed a vigour and exertion that had never

been surpassed. The peace of Amiens he considered as an experiment, that had convinced the country no peace could be expected where one of the parties only was inclined to that state. The consequence he must regret, with respect to that peace, was the necessary reduction of the army which it occasioned to this he wholly attributed the deficiency of the militia on the breaking out of the present war, and not to any negli gence on the part of the respective lords hieutenants. As to the charge of tardiness, he doubted whether the bill, if it had been brought forward sooner, would have had the same support throughout the country. We were now in a situation when, “The that hath a sword let him gird himself therewith, and he that hath not, let him sell his garment to buy one." The preparations now so generally made, his lordship thought the most likely means of preventing, the attempt of the menaced invasion; but if, contrary to that expectation, it should, in fact, take place, he trusted that neither the country at large, nor London in particular, would feel any alarm, but be ready, as they were amply provided with the means, to retrieve the character they lost on the invasion of the Roman Cæsar.

Lord Hobart expressed himself much sur prised at the object and tendency of the speech delivered by the noble lord (Mulgrave) who spoke last but one, particularly as he had reason to believe his lord hip was a friend to the principle of the bill. His speech appeared to be made for no other purpose but to depreciate the government in the eyes of the country; but was it pos sible, his lordship asked, for the bill to have been so well received in the country, if the conduct of government had been so weak and tardy as had been represented?-In the present situation of affairs, his lordship could not conceive what advantage his noble friend proposed to the country, by this studied animadversion on the past conduct of government. He had said that the people took their tone from the tone of government; and seemed to condemn the latter, for not sooner rousing the country from a state of listless indifference and inactive apathy. For what purpose was all this? Why, at the present moment, should his noble friend assert that government had fallen short of their duty? their duty? The point, however, had in no degree been established. His noble friend had upheld, as he himself would uphold, the conduct of the late administration, in times of trying exigencies. Was it meant, however, by thus timing this panegyric, to insinuate that if they had now been en