Custom-house officers protection bill, were severally read a first time.-The bills to regulate the rights and claims of H. R. H. the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Beaufort, the Duke of Grafton, and the Marquis of Bute, relative to certain duties on wine imported into several por.s within the duchy and county palatine of Lancaster, was read a first time -The bill fer removing doubts respecting the validity of assignments, in pursuance of the 7th article of the treaty with the U. States of America, &c. and the bill to extend the powers of courts of justice in Upper and Lower Canada were read a first time.

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[EAST INDIA BUDGET.] Lord Castlereagh brought up the report on the EastIndia budget. On the question that the resolutions be read a second time,

Mr. Prinsep rose, and apologised to the House for taking up their time, when so much of it had already been expended on this very subject; but as he had some ap prehension that the speech of the noble lord might make an impression on the House, Contrary to what the true interests of the Company really required, he hoped he should be indulged with their attention, till he delivered a few observations, which he thought he was imperiously called on by his duty to make. As a proprietor, and one who was deeply interested in the prosperity of the Company's affairs, he had given the subject now before the House every degree of consideration, and the most minute attention in his power, and the result was, a thorough conviction in his own mind, that, if the Company persevere in paying their debt in the present circuitous manner, the consequences could not fail to be, in the end, very ruinous and fatal to their best interests, and must inevitably and totally preclude any expectation the House or the Country may have formed, of receiving any of that participation in the resources of the Company, which had been so long and so repeatedly promised them. He had, he said, taken the liberty to make out statements of the results which lay on the table, and from those he was fully convinced, and confirmed in his opinion, that the statements made by the noble lord, and the right hon. gent. his predecessor, were extremely unsatisfactory and fallacious. The right hon. gent. who was the predecessor of the noble lord, had stated, that the debt of the India Company was 10 millions; whereas on comparison of all the papers, and a minute investigation of all the sums taken from the papers, produced by that right hon. gent., the amount is 15 millions sterling, which sum had been taken

out of the revenues of the Company, by means of loans, and other improper methods of managing the Company's finances. Had that sum been applied in payment of the debt, it might have been altogether extinguished in the course of five years, and in that case, iestead of the present existing debt of 19 millions, the Company would be in possession of three millions, with a debt of no more than two millions. He therefore thought himself strictly warranted in repeating, that if this system be pursusd, of paying off the debt in the same circuitous way that had hitherto been persisted in, the consequences would not fail to be highly injurious, and, he feared, would in the end prove fatal and ruinous to their interests. With every care and every desire to avoid the smallest misrepresentation either of the affairs of the Company or the intentions of the noble lord who brings forward this measure, he felt himself called upon by the im perious dictates of his duty to protest against it, as one that was fraught with fallacy, and which would be found to operate in a manner very different indeed to what the noble lord expects from it. He said he had the fullest confidence, that what he was then saying could not by possibility create the smallest doubt in the mind of any one, either as to the credit of the Company or the conduct of the directors, for whom he professed the greatest respect and regard, and for whose talents, integrity, and industry, no man could have an higher opinion than himself; nay, he could even contrast this statement of the noble lord's predecessor with the actual administration of the Company, and by dry figures he would prove to the House, that it appears upon these papers, that communibus annis, bills to the amount of 500,0001. have been drawn, and that the expenses of various kinds have amounted to full as much more; whereas, had the trade been limited according to the act of Parliament passed for that purpose, we should have had no India debt at all. In thus attaching error to the plan of the right hon. gent he begged leave at the same time to bear full testimony to his talents and integrity. The right hon. gent. had his warmest thanks for the unwearied attention and diligence which he had uniformly paid to the affairs of the Company, and he believed he had said no more than the truth, when he had declared in his place in that House, that whenever he contemplated the business, either on his rising in the morning or going to bed at night, he found the weight of it too heavy for him.Mr. Prinsep said, that the right hon. gent.

:

He

had exercised all those concerns very much to his honour, he was free to confess yet he thought he might be allowed to shew the fallacy or insufficiency of his plan, and to say to his successor, read, compare, and reflect, and avoid, if possible, falling into the same delusion. If the noble lord, or the .rt. hon. gent. who now fills another department of his predecessor (Mr. Tierney), or any other gent. in the House, would give him the honour of their company for one single hour, he would undertake to prove to them every word he had said. was sorry that he did not at that moment see any East-India Director in the House to whom he could address himself on the present occasion; on a former one, the House had been told by one of its members not to attend to the statement of such an hon. gent. (meaning himself) because be was of a fervent disposition, and apt to state and colour things too warmly; he assured the House, however, that he never intentionally stated any thing as a fact which he did not on the fullest investigation believe to be so. A plan had been produced he said, in that House, which had cost the Company 20 millions. The noble lord seemed by his look to deny this, but he was sure of it, if you do but keep the clue in pursuing it, which was absolutely necessary to be dine; for in India accounts, the clue, if once lost, could not be easily found again, nor in a very short time. If that plan be pursued, he must once more repeat, that it would be highly injurious, and in the end fatal to the Company's interests. That Company was, at present, managed by very able men, but it was not abounding in ready money-the whole capital was obliged to be employed; still, however, if this measure was not adopted, he was one of those who looked forward with a firm and steady eye to prospects the most flourishing and profitable. There were other resources also relative to private trade, which were now in a course of gradual and regular improvement, and which, he doubted not, would turn out equally productive. He begged pardon of the House for having detained them so long, and concluded by protesting against the present measure.

Lord Castlereagh said, he trusted the hon. gent. would excuse his going at length into the arguments then used by him against the measure, after the very full discussion the subject had received. He begged the right hon. gent. however, to be aware of one thing, that what he called his (the noble lord's plan), was no other than the law of the land.

Mr. Prinsep said, he understood the act

of Parliament, which says, that out of the surplus revenues the Company shall use one million sterling only.

The Speaker reminded the hon. gent. that he must confine himself to explanation of what he himself had said, and should consider whether what he now was saying was not in reply to what had fallen from the noble lord.

Mr. Prinsep said, he thought that what he was saying might be taken as explanation, as the noble lord had mentioned the act of Parliament. He was about to proceed on that subject, when

The Speaker told him he was not within the line of explanation. The resolutions were then read and agreed to.

[NAVY ABUSES.]-Captain Harvey said, he held in his hand a petition from several admirals and captains of the navy, the object of which was to pray the House to extend the powers of the commissioners for enquiring into naval abuses, so far as to enable them to enquire into the proceedings of prize causes and appeals in Doctors' Commons, and the Admiralty Court. He said that great injury had been done to the offcers and seamen of the navy, from the delay in causes in Doctors' Commons and the Admiralty Court. He moved, "that the petition be brought up."-On the question being put,

Sir IV. Scott rose and said, that it was by no means his intention to oppose the motion, though such a petition as the present could not but surprise him very much. If there was any charge to be made against him, he should, with the utmost pleasure, meet the charge, and throw himself on his country. What the hon. gent. meant by delay in causes and appeals in Doctors' Commons, he should be glad to hear him explain; there were very few appeals. He had no objection to the petition being brought up, but he could not avoid saying, that he thought it somewhat indecorous to bring up such a petition without the least notice, or the smallest intimation having been given to him. If there were any complaints against the proceedings in a court, the judge of that court was certainly the properest person to be consulted.

Captain Harvey appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and other members of alministration, if he had not shown them the petition the preceding day, and said he had put off presenting it then, at the express request of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom he naturally supposed would intimate it to the right hon and learned gntleman,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer acknow ledged that the hon. gent. had informed him of the petition, and had deferred presenting it at his request. He, perhaps, ought to have apprised his right hon, and learned friend of it; and it was his intention to do so, but it had really slipped his memory till the very moment that he saw the hon. gent. rise that day with it in his hand. He thought, however, that in a case like the present, where a serious charge was made against the proceedings of a court, the compliment might and ought to have been paid, of giving intimation of it to his hon. and learned friend.

Dr. Laurence said, he should not object to the motion, but he thought the petition as new and extraordinary a one as ever was brought before the House the parties stating, generally, that they desire an enquiry into all the proceedings of a court. If there was any necessity for sucn an enquiry, there was in that House a Committee of Courts of Justice, to which it would have been most proper to address themselves. He thought his right hon. and learned friend had a right to complain of the manner in which this petition had been brought forward. The petitioners wished the proceedings of the court to be referred-to whom? to the commissioners appointed to inquire into naval abuses-and they in their report

General Mailtand spoke to order; he said he thought the learned gent. was not in order in alluding to the report of the commissioners in speaking to the motion of the petition being brought up.

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Dr. Laurence conceived himself to be strictly in order; the prayer of the petition. was, that the powers of those commissioners might be enlarged so far as to inquire into the proceedings of the courts, and they in their last_report have cast a reflection on the ceedings of those courts. He wished the inquiry might go on if it was possible; but he hoped if it did, it would be complete, and extend to the grievances and injuries complained of on both sides; he had heard much talk of fictitious appeals against the captors, but he believed there were as many on the other side.

Mr. Johnstone could not agree with the right hon, and learned gent. who spoke last, that there was any thing extraordinary in the petition. He was certain there could not be any person in the navy or in the country that could bave the least disrespect for the right hon. and learned gent. at the head of that court. He would not, however, detain the House now, but when the bill came forward, he had several cases to mention,

which would evince that most intolerable grievances had existed in the proceedings of

these courts.

Captain Harvey said, the petition was put into his hands unsolicited; many of those who had signed it were his particular friends; many of them totally unknown to him. He had been desired to present it, and as it came into his hands so he had presented it to the House. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer desired the House to observe, that in not objecting to the motion for the petition to lie on the table, he did not by any means bind himself to support the measure. He would not wish to treat it by a refusal with any mark of disrespect or harshness, as it came from persons highly respectable, and related to matters truly important: so far, and so far only, he had acceded to the motion.

[DEFENCE OF THE NATION.]-Colonel Craufurd rose to make the motion of which he gave notice some days ago. Before he entered into the subject, he said he would assure the House that it was his intention studiously to abstain from any details which, from being made public, might have the smallest chance to prove of an injurious tendency to the situation of the country: he therefore hoped the House would so far honour him with their indulgence as to give him a patient hearing. He thought, however, that all this secrecy was needless. There could be no doubt but the situation of the country and its coasts was well known to the enemy; that our plans were also known to the enemy. If we could take a peep into the Bureau de la Guerre, or into Buonaparte's cabinet, we should find plans

Mr. Frankland here rose to order, and moved, that the gallery be cleared, which was done accordingly. After much conversation, Colonel Craufurd agreed to withdeaw his motion.

Mr. Fox moved a provision in favour of the Prince of Wales's cavalry, giving to his royal highness more power than he had at present; on which the House dividedAyes, 61-Noes, 38.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Thursday, August 4.

[MINUTES.]-The Million and a Half Exchequer Bills' Bill, the Vote of Credit, and Woollen Manufacturers' Suspension Bills, were read a third time, and passed.-Sir W. Scott brought up from the Commons, the Stipendiary Curates' Bill, and Mr. Bragge the Bristol Port Bill.

[PPOPERTY BILL.]-On the order of the day being read, for the second reading of this bill,

The Duke of Norfolk observed, that it was so voluminous as to make it impossible for him to read and digest it in so short a space of time. There was, however, one clause which he had very strong objections to, namely, that which exempted the creditors of the government, or, in other words, persons possessing property in the funds, from paying their due proportion. He should not make any motion on it in the present stage, but should deliver his sentiments on it in the Committee, which was fixed for the next day.

[STIPENDIARY CURATES.]-On the second reading of this bill,

The Lord Chancellor said, there was an objection which occurred to him on the first view of the bill, which was, that it militated . against the standing order of 1802, prohibitjug the grant of public money, in a bill which embraced two different objects. The present bill included two particular objects1st. To provide for those curates who might be deprived of their livings by the operation of the bills which had already passed: and, 2dly. A grant of a sum of money to provide generally for them, and render their situation more comfortable than it would otherwise be. It would remain for their lordships to consider, whether this objection was to be decisive of the fate of the bill.

Lord Suffolk stated, that the bill had his approbation, as far as regarded its rendering -the situation of the inferior clergy more comfortable; but, he hoped, that no objec tions, in point of form, would frustrate the measure, as had been the case with some other very beneficial regulations. The laws already in force, enabled the bishops to make allowance to curates as far as the amount of 701.; but every one must know, that many incumbents made private bargains with their curates, for the recompence of 301. or 401. a-year. He was, however, glad to hear, that a bill was now pending, for better provision to be made to the persons suffering in their curacies from the consolidated fund.

The Duke of Norfolk said, his objections

to the bill principally arose from the power given to bishops to diminish the revenues of incumbents one-fifth, which must materially deteriorate the property of individuals, and particularly those persons who were possessed of advowsons.-The clause respecting this cbject having been then read, his grace acknowledged that he had been under a mistake in the provisions of the bill.

The Lord Chancellor observed, that it was true the law at present authorized bishops to make allowances to curates of 701. a-year, but no force or power of an act of Parliament could prevent private agreements between incumbents and their curates. There was, perhaps, some reason to lament that the bill would diminish the patronage and property of individuals, and the more so as this kind of property was now in the nature of assets, and sold in the same manner and facility as corn at a market -The bill was then read a second time, and committed for the next day.

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[GENERAL DEFENCE.] Lord Suffolk said, that having heard in the country of a measure proposed for an army of reserve and the general defence of the nation, he had come to town for the purpose of being better informed with respect to them. He wished to know how the army of reserve was to be drilled, how the officers were to be appointed, and in what manner that force was to be rendered effectual? There was also another subject in which he was desirous of information, namely, how far the city of London had contributed its due proportion of men to the general defence of the country. He hoped it would not be deemed unparliamentary, if he slightly alluded to a discussion which had taken place in another House, respecting our means of defence, and the appointment of a military council. He had received some letters relating to the proportion offered by the city of London, one of which he had in his pocket; and, from the whole of the information conveyed to him, he was induced to think that blame attached to the city of London, which had not done as much as, in such circumstances, might be expected, and what it ought to do. In pressed forcibly by these considerations, without at present naming any particular day, he gave notice, that he should submit this subject to the view of Parliament before the conclusion of the present session, late as it was, and hoped his Majesty's ministers would then attend in their places, in order to give such information as he and the public had a right to expect from them.