Mr. Serjeant Best observed, that certain topics which had been introduced into the discussion were unadvisedly done so: it should be considered that the proceedings alluded to might be productive of injurious consequen ces on this side the water: their effects would not be confined to Ireland alone; the civil institutions of this country were liable to be affected at any rate, the subject was of extreme delicacy, and should be handled with the utmost caution. Were it held out as unfit the catholics in Ireland should pay tithes, the same question may be agitated in this country, and the English catholics and dissenters might claim exemption on similar grounds: this would go to strike at the very root of the constitution of church and state. The agitation of such questions were highly improper, the more especially on the very last night of a session, when no opportunity could offer of giving the subject a full and adequate consideration. With respect to the original motion, though it had supporters, not one of them supported the honourable mover on his own grounds; they argued it in a manner very different from him; and it was a matter of surprise to him (Mr. B.) that though three weeks had elapsed since the insurrection took place, no mention was made of the present motion till last Friday. Why was such an interval suffered to escape and why did they come forward on the last night of the session? He deprecated the introduction of the catholic question into the discussion, more especially as it appeared great numbers of that body were eager to manifest their determination to, support the government of Ireland. He attributed the present unhappy disturbances in Ireland to the machinations of the common enemy: to proceedings of that kind, which, among the happiest communities, and best regulated governments, would find some supporters, who, on account of their poverty or waywardness of disposition, were prone to insurrection and revolt. The motion should have his decided negative.

Mr. Alexander delivered his sentiments at some length. He deprecated the introduction of such a subject at that particular

qualified to judge of its quits, nor have time to give it a full and deliberate discussion. He adverted to the pancity of the Irish members then present; when they returned from that country next session, with the advantages of personal information and inquiry, then would be the proper time for discussing the subject. He had the highest respect for the motives of his hon. friend, but he must deprecate the agitation of the subject at present. He spoke favourably of the political sentiments of the great majority of catholic proprietors; they were friendly to the British government and connexion: but among the lower classes appeared a rooted determination, to attempt at least to acquire the estates, which the course of events had wrested from those they called their ancestors. This he considered as one great cause of the continued ferment which prevailed in Ireland; but among the proprietors, even 99 out of 100 were radically attached to Great-Britain. After dwelling upon these points for some time, and adverting to the present state of parties in Ireland, he concluded by expressing his hearty negative to the motion.

Mr. Hutchinson spoke at considerable length in reply, and first, he wished to set those hon. gentlemen right, who had certainly very much mistaken him with respect to what he said on the measure of indemnity; it was by no means his wish to throw an indiscriminate censure upon the parties: no man was more deeply impressed with the conviction of the zeal and loyalty of great numbers of them; but he would still persist in contending, there were many acts of enormity committed under the colour of law, and that the bill brought in, operated as a screen to the offenders. With respect to his motion, it had a double tendency, the first was, to procure such information as government were in possession of respecting the late acts of rebellion: the second, such general information as had been received as to the actual state of Ireland. He was free to confess it was no part of his idea to induce unnecessary or improper disclosures, on the one hand, or, on the other, to throw a slur upon the government of Ireland. On the contrary, he thought the noble lord at the head of the government of that country had acted in a proper manner, and had ministers on this side of the water conducted themselves as properly, the present discussion would be unnecessary. He had, in the first instance, prepared an address to his Majesty on the general subject of the anairs of Ireland; but, afterwards, learning that it was

informal, he declined moving it, and shaped his proposition in the way which it was now before the House. The address he originally meant to propose went strongly to express the sense of the House, as to the present situation of Ireland, to implore his Majesty to take the same into his serious consideration, and to direct such measures to be adopted, as in his wisdom may seem best calculated to tranquillize that part of his dominions, and to strengthen its connexion with Great-Britain. The great object he had in coming forward, was to draw the attention of ministers and that House to the state of Ireland. It had been alleged against him, that he proposed his motion without sufficient notice, and that he neglected to come forward until the last day but one of the session this consideration, however, did not lie with him, he insisted he had given timely notice of his intention; so long as a fortnight since, even the very day after the acts passed. He had said, if ministers did not speedily turn their serious attention to the affairs of Ireland, he should deem it his duty to bring forward the subject. Farther, he had no hesitation in saying, that if ministers had in their places the preceding night, or even then, told him they had no time, under the immediate circumstances, to pay due attention to the subject, and, self-moved, have pledged themselves to keep it in their contemplation such a declaration would do more towards tranquillizing Ireland, than the adoption of any motion he could bring forward; more especially one, which, from its peculiar nature, could not, evidently, be carried into immediate effect. In acting as he had done, his view was to enforce upon the conviction of ministers the necessity of their taking up the subject with all that attentive consideration, which belonged to one of its importance, and with as little delay as possible. In making this observation, he must express his regret at having occasion to remark, that this great national question was treated of by some gentlemen, as if Ireland was in another hemisphere, or even as if that country had no existence. At the same time he would repeat, that he did not expect the remedy to be immediately applied; he only was auxious for an avowal of the determination of ministers upon the point. With respect to the insinuations that his wish was to unhinge the public mind, he regarded them with the contempt they deserved; however, he must deprecate a great deal of what fell from a noble lord, and express his decided disapprobation of the principles on which he seemed to consider the subject in question.

As make the angels weep!

He agreed, however, to a certain extent, with the noble lord, as far as he panegyrised the conduct and administration of a noble mar quis in Ireland; but with respect to the administration of another noble lord, he could not say as much; and he must pronounce the noble lord, so far as that part of his speech went, to be a most unfortunate apologist: he hoped, however, his lordship would manage his present situation better than he did the affairs of his own country: a part of the world which the noble lord seemed completely to have forgotten so far, that any subject appeared to be the object of his care and sollicitude, in preference to the concerns of Ireland. The noble lord, however callous he may seem to be to the situation of his country, should recollect the important share he had in the arrangements under which it was now governed; he well knew the wants of his country, and it was peculiarly incumbent upon one, so circumstanced as the noble lord, seriously to attend to them. Adverting to the consideration of the catholic question, he was glad to hear, he said, that its merits were not thought to be implicated in the present subject of discussion; and after some allusions to the situation of the catholics in Ireland under the existing system, he observed that the last rebellion in Ireland, so far from being a catholic one, 'all its leaders were either protestants or presbyterians; the great majority of those who bore arms during the rebellion, numerically speaking, were undoubtedly professors of the catholic religion, but that was of necessity the case, because it was well known the great mass of the lower orders of the people in Ireland were of that persuasion; they were, therefore, used as the instruments of those who projected the rebellion, and by whom it was conducted; however, religion formed no. part of the consideration. The first symptoms of sedition appeared in the north of Ireland, a part of the country where, com

paratively speaking, very few catholics reside, and these symptoms of disaffection were, he thought, attributable to the con duct of orange-men in that quarter.-With respect to the proper line of conduct for Irish members in that House, he hoped the time was come when old prejudices no longer existed; he hoped the Irish part of the representation were as well disposed to support the general cause of the empire, as any other within those walls; yet he could not avoid putting it to them, that, under the present circumstances, the affairs of their own country should, in the first instance, be the objects of their anxious attention; though he advanced this proposition, he did not mean to say that they should in any degree neglect to strengthen the hands of government in the present crisis, with a view to the safety and honour of the empire at large. He must repeat his conviction, that, under the existing circumstances, ministers could not immediately come forward with an adequate remedy for what he complained of on the part of Ireland; they could not at once produce a system capable of restoring it to that degree of tranquil security which he so anxiously desired. Recurring again to the eonsideration of the Irish catholics, he observed, that the disposition of the body might so far be judged by the circumstance, that ever since they enjoyed the liberty of purchasing lands, they purchased as often under the forfeited claims as under the old catholic act. He then proceeded to animadvert upon various points in the speech of a right hon. gent. opposite (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), who, he observed, had taken occasion to panegyrise the conduct of ministers, on the pretext of defending the dignity of the House; and he had particularly to congratulate the right hon. gent. on his novel measure of having a fleet ready for sea without a single man on board a circumstance, which, however, his modesty induced him to pass over, while enumerating the services of ministers to the country. In concluding, he begged pardon of the House, for detaining them so long at that late hour; he had, however, been misconceived in almost every thing he said respecting Ireland, the situation of which country he implored the House to take into their speedy and serious consideration; should they not redress the grievances of Ireland and conciliate its inhabitants, it were humanity to annihilate it! The question was then put, and the motion was negatived without a division,

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, August 12.

At three o'clock his Majesty appeared in the House of Lords, where the peers were assembled. His Majesty being seated on the throne, a message was sent to desire the attendance of the House of Commons. The Speaker, accompanied by several members, approached the bar of the House of Lords, and addressed his Majesty in these terms: "Most gracious Sovereign, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the United Kingdom of GreatBritain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, have at length completed the supplies granted to your Majesty for the service of the present year-a period memorable for the events which it has produced, and awful for those which may be yet to come. In granting those supplies, your Majesty's faithful Commons have considered, that a crisis without example demanded unexampled efforts: and, by resolving to raise annually a large proportion of the supplies for the current year, so long as the war endures, they have given to all the world a solemn pledge of their inflexible determination to render public credit unassailable.-They have also proceeded to revise the system of your Majesty's permanent revenue. By consolidating the duties in each of its principal branches, they have simplified its operations, and at the same time they have endeavoured to render its pressure less burthensome, by regulating its mode of collection.-The commercial interests of this country, to which our attention was called by your Majesty's gracious commands at the commencement of the present session, have been maturely considered and measures have been taken for affording material accommodations and facilities to mercantile transactions, by rendering our principal ports free for all nations to import, deposit, and re-export their merchandize, without toll or tax, unless voluntarily brought into our own market for home-consumption.-Nor have we forgotten to bestow our earnest and serious thoughts upon the safety and efficacy of our church establishment in every part of the United Kingdom. Upon this subject, as comprehending all that consecrates our rational hopes, morals, and policy, we have deliberated with peculiar care and anxiety; and we presume to believe, that the important laws which have been passed in aid of our church establishment, will materially strengthen

and gradually extend its influence through succeeding ages. But, Sire, these were cares and objects belonging to times of peace. Wise, politic, and desirable as they might be, nevertheless, called upon now by your Majesty's commands, we have without hesitation turned all our thoughts and efforts to meet the renewal of war, persuaded that your Majesty's paternal care preserved to us the blessings of peace, so long as they could be retained with safety and honour, and confident that since they have been openly attacked, and the justice of our cause has been made manifest to the world, our appeal to arms will not be in vain. This war we see and know to be a war of no ordinary character. We feel that our religion, laws, and liberties, and existence as a nation are put to the issue, and we have prepared for the contest ac cordingly. Besides the supplies of money, we have augmented, beyond all former example, every species of military force known in this country-we have met rebellion with prompt and necessary lawsand for the defence of a Sovereign endeared to us by long experience of his royal virtues, and commanding not our allegiance alone, but our hearts and affections, the whole nation has risen up in arms.-May then the God of our fathers go forth with us to battle, and bless our cause, and stablish with victory that throne which we revere as the bulwark of our liberties; and so shall other nations at length learn, that a free, valiant, and united people is unconquerable, and able to set lasting bounds to an empire of violence, perfidy, and unrelenting ambition. -To the bills which I have now humbly to present to your Majesty, your Commons, with all humility, entreat your Majesty's royal assent."

His Majesty returned the following most gracious answer:-" My Lords, and Gentlemen, I am at length enabled, by the state of public business, to release you from your long and laborious attendance in Parliament. In closing the session, I have the utmost satisfaction in expressing the strong sense which I entertain of that zealous and

unwearied regard for the welfare and honour of your country, which has distinguished all your proceedings.-During the continuance of peace, your conduct manifested the just view which you had taken of our actual situation, and of the dangers against which you were peculiarly called upon to provide; and since the recurrence of hostilities, you have displayed an energy and promptitude which have never been surpassed, in the means which you have applied for the defence of

2nd

the country, and for the vigorous prosecu tion of the war.-Your proceedings, in consequence of the late treasonable and atrocious occurrences in Ireland, will, I trust, have the effect of preventing any further interruption of its internal tranquillity, and of convincing my loyal subjects in that part of the united kiugdom, that they may con fidently rely on that protection to which they are so justly entitled.-In the midst of the deliberations, which were occasioned by the immediate exigency of the times, you have not been unmindful of other objects, to which I had directed your attention; I have great satisfaction in observing that you have completed a system for consolidating the duties, and regulating the collection and management of the several branches of the revenue; and that you have adopted measures which are calculated to afford material accommodation to the mer◄ cantile part of the community, and to encourage and extend the navigation and commerce of my dominions.-Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I return you my particular thanks for the liberality and readi ness with which you have granted the supplies for the public service.-It is painful to me to reflect, that the means of necessary exertion cannot be provided without a heavy pressure upon my faithful people; but I cannot sufficiently applaud that wisdom and fortitude which have led you to overlook considerations of temporary convenience, for the purpose of preventing a large ac cumulation, of debt during the continuance of the war. You may be assured that

there shall be as strict an attention to economy on my part as may be consistent with those preparations and exertions which will be best calculated to frustrate the designs and weaken the power of the enemy, by whose arrogant pretensions and restless ambition alone these sacrifices have been rendered unavoidable.-My Lords, and Gentlemen, I am fully persuaded that, during the cessation of your parliamentary duties, you will continue to be actuated by the same spirit, which has been uniformly displayed in your councils. It will be your duty to assist in carrying into effect those important measures, which your wisdom has matured for the defence and security of the realm and particularly to give the most beneficial direction to that ardour and enthu siasm in the cause of their country, which animate all classes of my people. Justly sensible of the state of pre-eminence, in which it has pleased the Almighty to support us, for so many ages, amongst the nations of Europe, I rely with confidence, that under

the continuance of his Divine protection, the exertions of my brave and loyal subjects will prove to the enemy and to the world, that an attempt to subvert the independence, or impair the power of this united kingdom, will terminate in the disgrace and ruin of those by whom it may be made, and that my people will find an ample reward for all their sacrifices, in an undisturbed enjoyment of that freedom and security, which by their patriotism and valour, they will have preserved and ensured to themselves and their posterity."

Then the Lord Chancellor, by his Majesty's command, said, "My Lords, and Gentlemen, It is his Majesty's royal will and pleasure, that this Parliament be prorogued to Thursday, the 6th day of October next, to be then and here holden; and this Parliament is 'accordingly prorogued to Thursday the 6th day of October next."

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, August 12.

At three o'clock precisely, Sir Francis Molyneux, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, appeared in the House, and commanded them, in his Majesty's name, to attend him immediately in the House of Peers, which was of course complied with; and the Speaker went up, accompanied by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and all the other members then present.--On their return, in about half an hour,

The Speaker read to them his Majesty's most gracious speech from the throne, which closed the first session of the new Imperial Parliament.