the Sec. at War, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Windham, on the necessity of fortifying the capital, and erecting military works for the defence of the coast.- On the 25th £60,000, together with an annuity of £16,000 were voted as a compensation to the Prince of Orange. A vote of credit for £2,500,000 was also agreed to.- -On the 28th inst. a Message from his Majesty was communicated to Parliament relative to the insurrection in Ireland; and two bills were brought into the House of Commons and passed, one for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other for introducing Martial Law in that Kingdom.-The King has issued a Proclamation offering a full pardon to all those who have been guilty of offences against the Customs or Excise, and who have fled to avoid punishment, if they will surrender themselves and give se curity not to leave the country nor to engage in any illegal practices.-Meetings of all classes of society have been convened, in different parts of the kingdom for the purpose of expressing their Loyalty and Patriotism. Addresses have been presented to his Majesty from the Cities of Bath, Chester, Coventry, New Sarum; the Countics of Stafford, Somerset, Inverness, Ross, and Forfar; and the Towns of Leeds, Newarkupon-Trent, Beverly, Derby, Ipswich, Bradford, Barnstaple, Tiverton, Honiton, and Huntingdon.- On the 23d inst. an insurrection broke out in the City of Dublin, characterized by the same ferocious barbarity which has always marked the rebellions of Ireland. Early in the day, large mobs collected in some of the streets in the Li berty, and inflammatory hand-bills were distributed in various parts of the City. Every thing indicated violence and outrage. Lord Kilwarden, Chief Justice of the King's Bench and his Nephew, who were returning from his Lordship's Country Seat, were stopped in the street by the rioters, dragged from their carriage, and killed with pikes. The military was immediately called out, and several engagements attended with considerable slaughter took place between them and the rebels, in which it is said the rebels were finally beaten. During the contest, the Mayor's house was broke open and rifled by the rebels. The Lord Lieutenant has issued a Proclamation on the occasion, which will be found in page 148 of our present sheet. A great number of pikes, cartridges, and military uniforms for the rebels have been found concealed in various parts of the City. Considerable disturbances are said to have taken place in the County of Kildare;

and, accounts, just received in town, state that an insurrection had also broken out at Belfast, but was soon repressed by the exertions of the military.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

THE IMPORTANT CONSIDERATIONS," which occupy so considerable a portion of this Number, and which, as we have already stated, have been forwarded, by the directions of the Government, to every parish in England and Wales, are, we think, well calculated to excite all those sentiments, which one would wish the people of this kingdom to entertain, relative to the contest, in which they are engaged. We cannot but commend, too, the manner, in which this paper has been published. The publication has not been left to the partial and precarious efforts either of individuals or of societies, but has been provided for by the government itself' from which circumstance the paper derives a weight which nothing else could give it. The Church is, on every account, the best channel for communicating to the people the sentiments of their rulers. There is no other channel that reaches to every part of the country, nor is there any but that which bespeaks so much respect for the thing communica ed.—We have always held it to be the duty of government to lead the people, and, in conformity with this opinion, we give to the present measure our most hearty approbation.

RUSSIA AND FRANCE.-It has, from the commencement of the present war, been our opinion, that Russia and France were, for some time at least, indissoluble. Buonaparté, probably in concert with some persons in this country, certainly invited the Emperor of Russia to come forward and menace England into peace, until France should effectually prevent her from ever again making war; but, from what we have recently heard, we think it possible, that Russia may become friendly to this country-Our cunning ministers, offended at the conduct of the King of Prussia, applied to Russia to protect Hanover, in spite of the former, informing the Emperor, at the same time, that their master had a deep grudge against the Court of Berlin, and would, by no means, accept of its services. This dispatch the Court of Russia thought proper to send over to the King of Prussia; he sent it to General Mortier, who, no doubt, forwarded it as another morceau precieux to be added to the collection of Lord Whitworth. This is a sufficient explanation of what has been called "the

inexplicable conduct of the Northern "Courts." The correspondent, from whom we have received a good deal of information on this subject, and who writes from the banks of the Elbe, concludes his letter thus:-" Prussia wishes to possess himself "of the best part of Hanover, which, how"ever, Russia will oppose. Buonaparté is "far from wishing to separate this Electo"rate from the crown of Great Britain; "but, he will not be dictated to by Rus

sia; and you must not be surprised, if "you very soon hear, that France and Prus"sia are pitted against Russia and Den"mark.". This notion seems to be strengthened by accounts recently received from other quarters. We sincerely hope it may be correct, and that, instead of an enemy, we may find, in Russia, a zealous friend; but of this we still entertain very great doubts, not to be overcome by any thing short of overt acts of friendship, on the part of that power.

THE STADTHOLDER is, it seems, at last to receive his indemnity from Great Britain. This was predicted by all those, who made a strenuous opposition to the peace. In reply to Lord arlisle, in the House of Lords, on the 5th of May, 1802, Lord Cornwallis said: "with respect to my having deserted, or "suffered to be deserted, the interests of the "Prince of Orange and those of his adhe"rents, I disdain the imputation. I have "deserted no interests, which this country "was bound in honour to maintain; and I "have not the smallest doubt, that, in con

sequence of the 18th article of the Definitive "Treaty, a full and ample compensation will "be procured for the Prince of Orange and "bis adberents."- -The Lord Chancellor said, "that the pledged faith of nations was

who penned the treaty, and the Plenipotentiary who negotiated and concluded it, all positively asserting, that this treaty provides for a full and adequate compensation, for all the losses, of whatever nature, sustained by the Prince of Orange and bis House; and yet, we now find these very persons coming to Parliament, and there demanding to be extracted, from the pockets of the people of England, a compensation for that same Prince of Orange!-Will these wise men now say, that the treaty being rendered void by the war, we are called upon to fulfil the stipulations, which have not been fulfilled by others. Admitting, for a moment, the soundness of this principle, we then ask, how the papers lately laid before Parliament happen not to con ain any remonstrance, on this subject, from his Majesty, to any one of the other contracting parties. The peace lasted ten months, at least; and, how happened it, that, during that time, no effort was made to cause the 18th article of it to be fulfilled?Let it be observed, that one of the reasons, which made parliament approve of the peace, was, that a "full and

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adequate compensation" was thereby obtained for the House of Orange; the ministers, therefore, in making no attempt to enforce the fulfilment of the treaty in that respect, clearly showed, that the stipulation, of which we are speaking, was a mere device to deceive the parliament and the nation. Of the same description was the article relative to the sums, which France was to pay for the maintenance of her prisoners of war. discussing the merits of the treaty, great stress was laid on this article; but, since the season of discussion has been passed, Lord Hawkesbury has had the modesty to declare, that nothing was ever expected to be received in virtue of this stipulation!--There never was a nation so barefacedly cheated and abused, as this nation has been by the present ministers, the silent submission to whose insolence and caprice is, perhaps, the most fatal symptom now apparent in the country; because, such a submission argues a degree of indifference totally incompatible. with that loyalty, that patriotism, that high public-spirit, which are absolutely necessary in a crisis like the present.

FINANCE. -Since our last we have ob. served, in the public prints, some very malignant insinuations respecting the opinions, which we entertain relative to the Funds. A gentleman, who was present when the subscription, which is now going on, was opencd at Lloyd's Coffee-House, let fall some expressions, which were construed to mean, that he thought a national bankruptcy an

event which might, probably, be at no very great distance. These expressions were said to have brought on him the fearful reprehension of certain wholesale dealers in Joans. He explained, through the columns of a London news paper called the Morning Post, the editor of which, professed to experience peculiar pleasure at this mark of contrition, because ...... because, forsooth, a weekly publication was making an attempt to destroy public credit! The words are these: "At a moment when attempts are made, in

a weekly publication, to destroy public cre"dit, on which the independence of the country so much depends at this moment; "when we are told, that the Public Funds " and the British Monarchy can no longer "exist together, we feel great pleasure in "giving the following letter a place."Now, who, from reading this introduction, would not have imagined, that the letter itself contained a refutation of our opinions? No such thing! The letter contains a mere denial, on the part of the writer, of having made a public avowal of the sentiment imputed to him; but no disavowal of the sentiment itself, in which, we are inclined to think, he fully participates with us.--But, be this as it may, nothing but conviction of our error will make us retract one word of what we have said on this subject, notwithstanding the base misrepresentations of the news papers, and the clamour of stock-jobbers, be they who they may-We deny the charge of wishing to destroy the credit of the country: we wish, on the contrary, to see that credit renovated. Besides, if our opinions are good for nothing, they will have no weight. This is a point on which we stand quite alone: we have yet heard of no one, friend or foe, except Mr. Stock, who does not differ from us as to the necessity of a national sponge: well then, what we say can do no harm; and we are utterly astonished, that the puissant Morning Post, whose proprietor is continually making such a swearing about its extensive circulation, should think our whimsical notions an object worthy of its censure. The fact is, however, that, though no one will, even in private conversation, back our opinion, every one, capable of calculation, must perceive that this opinion is well founded; and, however the interests of men may lead them to disguise their sentiments, events will soon oblige them to confess, that, if the independence of the country depends upon the existence of the funds, Englishmen are doomed to be slaves. Amidst all the misrepresentation and abuse, which has been brought on us by the publication of our opinions on this

subject, we console ourselves by recollecting what passed at the time of making the peace. We then stood almost alone; we were then abused for our obstinacy in opposing the general sentiment, and, when we came into a court of justice to demand redress for the wrongs done us, we were, by the magistrate who presided on the occasion, insolently charged with "perverseness," because we refused to obey the orders of an infamous mob, headed by two of Lord Auckland's clerks! On that occasion the London news-papers, never the last in works of baseness, represented us as Americans, "who were thriving by the war, and who, "therefore, obstinately refused to humour "the people of England by putting up a can"dle in honour of the peace."- When we recollect all this; when we look back and see how the nation has, man by man, sneaked into the opinions which we then avowed, and which hardly any other person dared to avow, we laugh at the anger of the stockjobbing news-papers and their stock-jobbing readers; we look forward to the moment, when our country shall be relieved from the insupportable burden, which now weighs it down to the earth; we anticipate with joy the sight of that majesty, with which she will then tower over her malignant enemy. We do not say, we have never said, that the present struggle cannot be successfuly terminated without an annihilation of the national debt; but, we do say, that it cannot so soon be terminated, that it cannot be terminated so well, and, that, if the debt continue, it is very probable, that, at least, we shall conclude another disgraceful and shortlived peace.

-The course which the funds are taking, does by no means, favour the opinions of our adversaries. The Omnium is down at 11 per cent. below par. We told Mr. Addington, that the men who should lend him money, would deserve to die in a work house. We, then put the case of this loan's falling to 20 per cent. below par, and we started the supposition of its never being paid in at all. Six millions is, indeed, a mere trifle compared to loans that have been paid in; but trifling as it is, we should not be at all surprized if it were never to be completed; and, what is more, we should not be at all sorry for it.-Do we wish to see the ruin of our country? The man who perfers such a charge against us is a base miscreant. We wish to see our country great and happy; we wish to see the people confide in their own strength and valour, and not in those aerial guardians, " capital, credit, and confidence;” we do not like an independence which depends" on any thing,

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and we have a particular aversion to a national independence which depends upon the value of certain little bits of paper, though the said bits of paper should be kept under the care, and should even be honoured with the signature, of MR. ASLETT himself- ———Connected with the foregoing 10pics is that of the surplus of the Consolidated Fund. a topic which the minister has lately had the indiscretion to start afresh. Our readers will please to recollect, that the minister, in his former estimates, took the sur. plus of the Consolidated Fund, for the current year, at 6,500,000, as being a sum "far

wulin the bounds," to which he expected the surplus to extend. We asserted, even from the moment that this estimate was made, that the surplus would fall far short of the sum taken. Two quarters of the year have now clapsed: the surplus of the first amounted to £1637,332, and, of the second, to " nearly" 1,186,000. Nearly is the word made use of by the minister; but we will suppose it to amount to quite that Bum, and then the surplus of the two quarters will make 2,223,332 The minister now tells the Public, that the surplus for the two remaining quarters of this year will be £4 231,500, which leaves a deficiency of only about £50,000 Upon observing the manner, in which he makes out this estimate, we cannot help lifting our hands and eyes, exclaiming, at the same time," was there "ever a nation so easily humbugged!"-This man was certainly born for the express purpose of relieving the nation from its burdens! His delightful scheme of taxing the funds, and of turning the Bank into an Excise-Office, was, unfortunately, frustrated; but, if he be only left to himself for nine or ten months longer, he will do the thing; in another way, to be sure, yet not less effectually. Contempt and ridicule light upon the man who pities the stock-dealing tribe! This tribe it was who supported the Richmond Park Mini-ter in making the peace of Amiens, in bartering au ay the honours of the flag, in yielding Napper Tandy to the French; in all those stipulations and those measures, by which the nation was plunged into disgrace and infamy, and this tribe, this worst of all the gangs of Jews, this tribe of Judas Iscariot, ought to suffer --We must again observe, that the French funds continue to rise es ours continue to fall! If, therefore, it be "a war of finance," as Lord Auckland usedto call the last war, what a deplorable prospect have we before us! After the conclusion of the peace, the French funds rose to 53f, and the English to 78. The French are now at 49 f. 10, and the English at 51; so that,

since the peace of Amiens, the French funds have, upon the whole, fallen none at all, while the English have fallen 27 per centum! This is Lord Hawkesbury's

capital, credit, and confidence!" No; it is, thank God, no war of finance: it is a war of naval and military efforts, a' war of blows, in which war, if we set our money at defiance, we shall come off victorious; but in which, if we are still fools enough to hanker after the conservation of our wealth, or, to speak more correctly, the conservation of that wealth in the hands of two or three hundred blaspheming Jews, we shall certainly fall.

THE FORTIFYING OF LONDON, which our Readers will find proposed in an official rote from Lord Cathcart to the Marquis of Titchfield, must bring to their minds what passed, in Parliament, some htle time ago, relative to the defence of the Capital. Mr. Windham thought it proper, during the debate of the 23d of June, to state, that the notion, which had been thrown out, in the House of Lords, that, if the enemy landed in force, a battle must, at all events, be fought between the coast and the capital, ought not to be hastily adopted; for, that, though to protect London would be very desirable, yet that England must not be sacrificed merely for the sake of that one city. In observing upon this, those two wise ministers, Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Addington, who appear to emulate each other in every species of temerity and imbecility, made use of the words contained in the motto to this Number of the Register. They blew themselves up quite into a foam at the bare idea of the enemy's reaching London. What will they say now? It appears that the fortifying of London has been long in contemplation. Did the two wise ministers not know this? Or, knowing it, did they, nevertheless think it politic and manly to represent Mr. Windham as creating despondency amongst the people? If to state the enemy's coming to London as a possible case was to plunge the people in despair, what must be the effect of Lord Cathcart's general-like note? What must be the effect, not only of a serious proposal for fortifying London, but of communicating the plan to the enemy, before a single spit of earth is thrown up-Neither Lord Cathcart nor Lord Titchfield would have caused this note to be published in the news-papers, without the approbation of the Cabinet; how, then, will the wise ministers, above cited, justify their censure on the speech of Mr. Windham ?

THE REBELLION IN IRELAND, of which an account will be found in another part of this paper, has excited less sensation, in England, than might have been expected. The feeling of horror against the bloodyminded wretches, who murdered the Lord Chief Justice is, indeed, universal; but the nation is arming, and, in the same degree that it is armed, it will be bold.-Two Bills have been passed by the Parliament; one for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other for introducing martial law in Ireland. Very proper measures most certainly; but, another measure, not less proper, would be, instantly to displace all those, under whose government, under whose very noses, this rebellion has been hatched, nurtured, and brought to perfection. The people can have no confidence in men, who, day after day, have been telling them, that every spark of disconteut was extinguished in Ireland, and that there prevailed in that country, an unanimous hatred of Buonaparté and of revolutionary principles. Either the government were totally ignorant of the state of Ireland, or they have been sedulously endeavouring to deceive the Parliament and the nation. But, to dwell upon particular parts of their conduct is to lessen the indignation excited by the whole considered together. These weak or these wicked men assumed the reins of power at a time when the United Kingdom was tranquil within and successful without; at a time when no part of His Majesty's dominions was regarded as being exposed to danger; when the fleet was full of men, powerful, sound at heart, and blockading all the enemy's ports; when the army would, after a considerable reduction, have been sufficiently strong for all purposes, both at home and abroad, and when it was kept up by volunteer enlistments. In the short space of two years how has the scene been changed! Eleven valuable possessions given up to the enemy by peace; His Majesty's hereditary dominions siezed from him by the first blow of the war; military conscriptions and requisitions introduced into this country; the taxes doubled; London about to be fortified, and a rebellion in Dublin! Such is the change; such are the proofs of that wisdom and that attachment to ibe constitution, which MR. SHERIDAN has discovered in the present ministry, and for which discovery he has been so highly eulogized by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. "Let us consider, not who is the minister,

"but where is the enemy." These were the words, which the minister so greatly admired. They are," said he "memorable. "This is the language of a true patriot. I "have not the happiness of knowing the "Hon. Gent. much; but I will venture to

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assert, that he will be bigbly admired by

posterity, when his political conduct shall "be faithfully detailed in the page of history; and I wish some persons, who op pose him, entertained the same purity of public principle."-Why did the Chancellor introduce the epithet public?" Why not say "purity of principle?" which would have embraced both public and pri vate? We heartily agree with the candid minister in these his candid sentiments respecting the patriotism of MR. SHERIDAN, which has broken forth on so many critical occasions, and which has never failed to bring great consolation to our minds, because, having a high opinion of MR. SHERIDAN'S sagacity, we have always regarded these ebullitions as a pretty sure sign that the country would finally triumph. With respect to Irish rebellions, indeed, MR. SHERIDAN has not, if our memory serves us, always been perfectly cor rect; and, if we have much judgment of the matter, the records of the assizes at Maidstone will contribute but very little towards that historical page, which the sa pient Mr. Addington foresees posterity will read with admiration! Far, however, be it from us to join Mr. Windham in his sarcasms on this interchange of civilities. That the Premier righteously deserved the praises of Mr. Sheridan is generally admitted; and, we trust, that Mr. Windham himself, when he reflects on the character and conduct of the parties, will be ready to allow, that nothing could be at once more natural and more appropriate, than an eulogium on Mr. Sheridan, coming from "the sutting part of Mr. Pitt *."

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Vide Mr. Sheridan's Speech on the Definitive Treaty, 24th May, 1802, where he called Mr. Addington "the sitting part of the Ex-Minister." -Register, Vol. II. 1366.

Several communications are unavoidably postponed.--We particularly regret leaving out INQUISITOR'S 5th letter, which shall, however, have a place next week.-Our OXFORD Correspon dent may be assured that we have not overlooked his excellent article.--A SURREY MAGISTRATE was entitled to immediate attention; but he will founded, and shall be stated next week, without see that it was impossible. His complaint is well

fail.

LONDON,