without their aid, but in opposition to their wishes and their efforts. If the nation lives, it will live by their disappointment.. Whatever there is of evil, in the present state of things, is their work: whatever there is of good has been produced in spite of them. If this statement be correct, as, I think, no one will deny it to be, it is the duty of every man, while he earnestly endeavours to resist and to chastise the enemy, to neglect no lawful and practicable means of endeavouring to procure the dismission of those ministers, who have exposed his country and the throne of his Sovereign to such imminent danger. COUNCIL OF WAR. An establishment of this sort has long been wished for by the most intelligent men in the country. Colo. nel Crauford, during his speech of Tuesday last, dwelt on the subject for a considerable time, and, after his motion was withdrawn, R. Fox proposed the measure in the following motion: "That an address "be presented to his Majesty, praying "that he would be graciously pleased to "appoint a Military Council, consisting of "General Officers, and such others as to "his Majesty shall seem fit, for the purpose "of giving their advice when called upon "by his Majesty respecting the defence of "the country, and of being consulted occa❝sionally, or from day to day, if necessary, "by the Commander in Chief, and his Majesty's Ministers upon that important "subject."-The House was divided upon this motion, the ayes were 40 and the noes 63. Why the ministers should oppose this motion, it is difficult to surmise, unless they are ashamed, which is not very likely, to submit their mole-like labours to the revision of wise and experienced men. public are told, that the Commander in Chief has already, in fact, a council of war; but, it appears, that this council of war consists of persons, who have active commands, and who, of course, are, or ought to be, in the field. The materials, whereon the Royal Duke's Council of war is said to work, are, it seems, collected together in the Quarter-Master Generals's Office; but, if Lord Cathcart's Note was drawn thence, few persons of sense will be much inclined to expect any great good from that source. The truth is, that the ardent zeal of his Royal Highness the Commander in Chief leads him to attempt the performance of more than any human being is capable of performing. This is a subject, on which it The would be improper to be very minute; but, at a time like the present, at a time when arrangements are making for drawing round us a line of circumvalation, we cannot refrain from urging the necessity of more military science and experience, or, at least, of more capacity of dispatching business, than can possibly be possessed by any one man in the world. THE PRINCE has, it appears, applied to the minister for a military command, and has received no answer to his application. The minister, being questioned upon this subject, stated to the House of Commons; on Tuesday last, "that his Royal Highness "had made a most handsome and gallant "tender of his services, and," said he, “having said this, I must declare, that nothing "but the positive commands of his Majesty, or the united commands of a majority "of this House, shall ever draw from me another word on the subject."This declaration was right enough, on the part of the minister; but, those who think that his Royal Highness ought to be permitted to have a distinguished share in the honour distinguished the honour of defending the kingdom, which is his inheritance, and the people over whom he is destined to reign, have a right to require, at the bands of the minister, why this honour is with-held from his Royal Highness, while his Royal Brothers are all invested with considerable commands; why this slight is thrown upon the Prince of Wales; why, at a moment when it is esteemed a disgrace to be inactive, when all are stirring, from the King to the peasant, why, at such a moment, the badge of inactivity is attached to the heir apparent to the throne; why, in short, his Royal Highness is thus deprived of an opportunity of signalizing himself in that way which is the most likely to endear him to those who must one day be his subjects. At the hands of the minister the reason for this invidious and injurious exclusion is now demanded by all loyal men, and will, we trust, ere long be demanded by the Houses of Parliament. POSTSCRIPT. I shall next week publish a letter to MR. SHERIDAN, in which I shall take notice of what that gentleman has thought proper to say about me, in a place where he knows I cannot reply to him. I propose to enter somewhat at length into the character, conduct, and views of this Treasury convert. WM. COBBETT. LONDON, LONDON, August 6 to August 13, 1803. 193] Inquisitor. Letter VI. July 30, 1803. DEAR SIR, I know not whether, notwithstanding the expressions you have used to me about them, you may not have found my letters so multiplied in number, and so large in size, as to render me rather a fatiguing correspondent. I rely, however, on your kindness, and hope you will excuse my being a little carried away by my subject; particularly as that subject has been nothing less than the defence of these kingdoms against the attacks of jacobin, regicide, France. I was first excited to take up the pen in order to give you some account of the measures adopted by government for the defence of the country, by bringing in the Army of Reserve Bill. My first letter, accordingly, contained some strictures on that measure; my second, detailed the alterations and improvements which it received as it passed through Parliament. Having thus commenced, I was led on to consider a little the wisdom and policy of the defensive system as now adopted by ministers; and then to detail the plan of offence, which I, in such a case as the present, would recommend to be adopted. Perhaps my subject seems naturally to close at this place. I cannot, however, allow myself, after troubling you so much, to release you without saying a word or two more on the subject of the defensive system adopted by ministers; and, as far as I can judge, approved of by the country. And I do this the rather, as I hear buzzing all around me, exultations and congratulations at the spirit of the people, now roused and manifested. People every glishmen bere now tell you, that En at last been roused to a sense of their danger, have a full conviction of the hostile designs of the enemy, and a proper hatred and detestation for him; and that, in consequence, they are every where rising in arms; to do what? Why; to resist his atVOL. IV. [194 tacks, and to defend themselves. I remember having somewhere read a story of a Spartan General distinguished for his courage, who happened to seize a mouse; the little animal by way of resistance, bit the General's finger, who smafting from the pain, opened his hand and released the mouse, observing," there was no animal, however "insignificant, to whom nature had not given the means of defending itself if it "chose to use them." I really think this little anecdote is a pretty exact prototype of our present situation. By the Spartan General is represented the ruler of jacobin France by the mouse, the people of this country; who, after having tried every possible shift and contrivance to avoid the hos tility of France, when there is no possibility of doing so, and there is an imminent probability of an immediate attack at home, are willing to whet their swords in order to give the invader a smart bite, which will compel him to retreat. The only thing assumed is the success of the plan. For my own part, I do not think it quite so clear, that if we once allow our enemy to reach us, he will be so easily compelled to let go his hold. But granting that point, the instance is correct The comparative size, power, and unjust invasions of the rights of the mouse on the one hand; on the other, the meekness, timidity, and attempts to avoid and conceal itself, and at length, when nothing else would do, the amazing spiru and courage plucked up, and the tremendous wound inflicted: all this is correct; and I dare say, our spirited heroes, who are so gallantly coming forward for bome defence, are all ready to exclaim, at the atrocious perfidy of this bullying general, and the wonderful and successful spirit of the mouse. I certainly shall be very sorry to impair the sensations of internal satisfaction which these gentlemen may feel at the display of their own courage, as exemplified by this antient sto H dominion, I cannot admit, that as yet by their conduct, they have made any demonstration of extraordinary courage and spirit. I shall, doubtless, be asked, in what case I ty; but for the sake of my country, I must tell them, that neither in the behaviour of themselves, or of their prototype, do I see, any more than the Spartan General did, any great appearance of courage or spirit. Icould allow that the country did display think the story is in Enfield's Extracts, a book which was given me a good many years ago, when I was at school, and, which I have not now by me; but, those of my readers who have it, may refer to the anecdote and see, whether or not I have truly given the exclamation of the wounded general. He did not cry out, (as we are expecting Buonaparte to do) "What a brave "spirited mouse!" No, his exclamation was, "there is no animal, however insignifi cant, to whom nature has not given the means of defending itself, if it chose to use them." Thus too, I think our conduct, if successful, may be a good example, that no country, any more than any individual, is left without the means of defending itself; but that is by no means a proof either of spirit or of courage. For after all what is it, nothing more or less than this, we say, Here is an enemy, in designs most virulent against us, in power most formidable, and whose dominion, if he is successful, will be the most grievous calamity. Not a passing calamity of which we nay hope 26 soon to see an end, but an eternal slavery "accompanied with every aggravation "which can accompany loss of freedom, of "property, and independence. We will do "our utmost to prevent and avert this hor"rible destruction; we will be well armed, and well prepared; and, whenever the enemy comes, we will do our best to re*sist." So did the mouse; it bit the general and escaped. It wished to avoid his destructive grasp, and perhaps, the tortures which were preparing for it; we do the game, we know how horrible those tortures will be; our wives and children ravished and murdered before our eyes, our houses pillaged, our churches ransacked and defiled, our persons exposed to torments and to death; and we naturally must resist the attacks of those who are preparing all these things for us. To neglect doing so, would no: show so much a want of courage, as an absolute want of sense, and an imbecility of mind. There is no one so fearful of pain, as not to be willing to submit to have a tooth pulled out, in order to avoid the pains of tooth ache. There is no coward who will not fight, rather than be put to death at once. On these grounds, though I am very willing to allow those gallant volunteers for bume defeuce all the merit of a proper sense of the danger and of the calamities of French these qualities. Why, I should allow it, to such a state in point of energy and in point of preparation, as to be compelled to look with hope to nothing better than the repulsion of the attacks and the defeat of invading enemies. That the desire of preserving their places, and the still more forcible one of preserving their heads, is the cause of the measures they have adopted, I must think, till I am convinced that they really are so intolerably stupid as not to perceive, that for defence itself a purely defensive system is wholly inadequate, beyond a very few months indeed, that it is necessarily ruinous, and more and more ruinous in proportion as it is complete; and that while it throws you under all these difficulties it gives to the enemy every advantage he can possibly desire. If he is not so impatient for our destruction as not to be able to wait a very few months to effect it, while he is preparing new means of attack, and new instruments of vengeance and cruelty wherewith to torture us, we, like able and indefatigable pioneers, are levelling every obstacle that may retard his progress, and making the way to him easy and pleasint. We are exhausting our finances; we are burthening the country with enormous taxes; and these war-taxes too, that is, we are doing every thing to depress the people and make them dissatisfied with the war; we do nothing to enspirit or enliven them, but above all we habituate them to the idea of a French invasion; and some little notion of French dominion too is already growing up, and if the probability of admitting the one, or bearing the other, is but once broached, then are we lost indeed. Of this, however, I will say nothing more at present, but just to ask, what would have been the sensations of the country some 40 or 50 years ago, if it had been told, that with such a probability as now exists of invasion, Englishmen talked of nothing but arming for home defence? And let me just observe too, that a line of policy invariably pursued by the French, and hitherto successfully, has been to prepare the countries marked out as their victims, not only by the secret and hidden workings of their emissaries, but by open and avowed declarations of their schemes and intentions; that thereby these victims, being familiarized to the idea, might have less energy to resist, when the attack is really made.—So much for the wisdom of ministers in adopting the defensive system, and the spirit of the people in falling in with it. With respect to offensive war, that, in my opinion, is clearly necessary for our safety. Of military offensive operations I can say nothing, but with the enormous military power which France now possesses, I am convinced no military exertions, which this country can make, will make much impression on her, unless they are aided by offensive operations of another sort, such as I described in my 4th letter. From them, however, aided by military means, I have no scruple to repeat, that I should entertain the most sanguine hopes of success.--I shall now take leave of you, my good friend, concluding with the expression of a most earnest and serious hope, that as we are attacked by a nation with the avowed intention of destroying our liberties and independence, joined to a sect whose avowed object is no less than the destruction of the religion of Christ, of virtue, social order, moral principles, and civil society; so we will unite in resistance to these united enemies, every honourable feeling, every virtuous principle, every patriotic sentiment that can belong or ought to belong to a Briton and a Christian; that we will avow as our object, on the one hand, the securing our own independence and safety, on the other, the establishment on a firm basis of the liberties of Europe and mankind, and the upholding that religion, under whose influence alone morality and virtue are established in this world; and the good have a certain prospect of happiness beyond the grave. In sustaining such a cause no means but those of virtue and honour should be employed, and those in the most open and avowed manner, as it would be disgraced if aided by any thing contrary to them, so it ought to be supported by every thing consistent with them, by the labours and the arms of all the brave and loyal, and by the anxions wishes and prayers of the pious and good throughout the world. I am, &c. &c. INQUISITOR. P. S. In reading over the former part of this letter, it has sruck me, that as the mouse, by means of its bite, escaped out of the hands of its captor; so people may argue, that to keep up the comparison this country has a right to expect similar safety. To this I reply, that though I think it probable the comparison may not hold good in that particular; yet, admitting that it does, it by no means follows, that the mouse was not caught the next day, and kept in spite of its teeth. Besides, I dare say, its sides were a little sore from the grasp which it had received in the mean-time. Now it would be a curious speculation to calculate, 1st, the degree of sufferance the mouse underwent on this occasion; and 2dly, by a rule of three, to find out what to this country would be an equal portion. In this SIR, We humble politicians, who are not Members of Parliament, always look for and read with great avidity the accounts of the Debates of the House of Commons, which find their way into the public prints. That the public, have a right thus to be informed of what these representatives are saying and doing, is a point which I am told, certain members of that House are inclined to de. nv. But I could observe, to those persons, that if they do not look sharply about them, this right will be established by prescription, whatever the Statute Law or the Book of Orders may say on the subject. Indeed, the House of Commons has within the last two months grown a little more tenacious of their power; and has several times ordered the gallery to be cleared; the object of those orders seems to have been to prevent us from knowing what might be the military statements of Col. Crawford, respecting the defence of the country. I suppose, by endeavouring to conceal these statements, it is meant to adopt the hints contained in them, and act accordingly; which, I believe, no man who has ever heard of Col. Crawford would regret. But to return; since these orders have been repeated two or three times, the rights of the public to be acquainted with the proceedings of the House seem to have extended themselves; and what is still more extraordinary, the power of the House to conceal has in an equal degree diminished. For I observe, that though the gallery was cleared on Tuesday last, the 2d inst. we have in one or two papers on Thursday and Friday, a succinct account of the debates which then took place; nay, some of the gentlemen's speeches appeared at full length. I think this matter would be well worth the consideration of some public spirited member of the House; and that this etiquette between the Parliament and the public should at least be settled on some firm ba sis. In the mean time, if these debates and speeches are to be published, I presume it is allowable to comment on such publications, and it is with this view, Mr. Cobbett, that I now take up my pen to address you,- In the Morning Post of Friday last, the 5th, you will find in a speech attributed to Mr. Sheridan, and meant as a reply to Mr. Windham, an attempt to affix to the latter gentleman the charge of attempting constantly, to discourage and to dishearten the country. "First," says Mr. Sheridan, "to promote exertion in every individual as if upon him alone depended the "salvation of the state, you are to assure them "that the country is lost, unless one specified in"dividual is the minister." Now, I rather think there is some mistake here; for, if my memory does not play me an unusual trick in this instance, I very much doubt Mr. Windham's ever having said this; and the more so, as I really cannot now say, whether by that individual is supposed to be meant Vir. W. himself or Mr. Pitt. I know some other persons have spoken of Mr. Pitt in that way; but, I doubt much that Mr. W. has ever done so; especially, as their opinions on the |