system inconvenient? On the 3d of August the " confidential servants" were of opinion

"that EVERY ENCOURAGEMENT should be given" to the system; and, one of their reasons was, that it would " promote the "convenience of the public:" but, on the 18th of August, they discover an "incon"venience which must unavoidably arise" from this very same system! No; say they, not from the system, but from carrying it to an" unlimited extent." Why, then, did you not fix the bounds of the extent? Why did you order "that every encou"ragement" should be given to the sys tem? And who was to understand from such instructions any thing short of a desire to obtain as many volunteers as possible, and to limit the system within no other bounds, than those of the population of the country? The fact is, that they had brought in and caused to be passed, laws, the meaning of which they themselves did not understand; and, when they discovered their mischievous effect, they were compelled, though at the risk of plunging the country into discontent, to issue orders, the operation of which, should be to nullify the principal provisions of these laws. They now find, that their favourite volunteers, to whom they called upon parliament to pass a vote of thanks, will, if continued, render the ballots for the militia and the Army of Reserve an intolerable burthen upon those, who remain to be balloted; and, it must be evident, that injustice would be absolutely unbearable, as it would put it in the power of the committee of the volonteer corps of any parish, not only to choose who should be admitted into the corps, that would be nothing, but, who should be exempted from the militia and the Army of Reserve! And, this is the case even now, wherever there is a volunteer corps, upon the new establishment, whose offer of service is, or shall be, accepted by the King. Suppose Mr. Sheridan, for instance, obtains a promise from the lord lieutenant to have the offer of a corps, which he shall raise, accepted by his Majesty. The volunteering gentleman goes to work, in his parish, and first he makes up a committee. This com mittee open their books; and, as they have an absolute power of admitting or rejecting, all those whom they choose will be admitted, and, of course, exempted from the ballot of the militia and Army of Reserve; and, all those, whom they do not choose to admit will be still liable tothose ballots. Did the parlia

ment ever intend this? did they ever intend to pass into a law any thing at once so cruelly and so insultingly oppressive? The ministers now perceive this, and they perceive, too, that the volunteer-corps system has produced a stagnation in the recruiting for the army, which would rather have been assisted than impeded by the general training, especially of the peasantry. Afraid, however, even now, to take a manly and decisive part, they have adopted the miserable expedient of supernumeraries to the volunteer corps, which supernumeraries are to find their own arms, and are to claim no exemption from the ballots of the militia and Army of Reserve, than which there never was a measure better calculated for the perpetuating of discontent, and for exciting ill-will and quarrels amongst those, on whom we are taught to rely for defence against the enemy. Thus do these feeble

creatures, whom God, in chastisement for our supineness, has permitted to be placed over us, blunder on from folly to folly, creating, wherever they move, nothing but confusion; and yet they demand more implicit confidence from the parliament and the people, than the ablest and wisest ministers ever dared to hope for. Six months it is now, since His Majesty informed his parliament, that there was imminent danger of invasion; and, except from the sources which existed previous to that time, not one single soldier has been obtained for the defence of the country! But, we trust, that, because the public servants of the state fail in their duty; the people will not fail to perform the great duty, which they owe to their Sovereign and their country; but rather to make so much the greater exertions; to learn so much the more to depend on their own hearts and hands; and, without regard to the wavering imbecility of an incapable administration, to work out, as they may, their own political salvation, not with fear and trembling, but with fortitude and manly resolution.

We are compelled to postpone, till our next, several topics, on which we intended to offer some observations, particularly the publications relative to H. R. H. the Prince of Wales.-We are glad to hear that our remarks on the LLOYD'S FUND are likely to put a stop to that system of quackery.

A. B. is requested to address his papers directly to the Editor, and not to send them, as he hitherto has done, by a circuitous route.

ERRATA Last sheet, p. 297, 1. 40, for “ Garsone" read" Garonne;" p. 303, 1. 30, for " boats" read "body."

LONDON,

not enabling it to stand firm and erect; but at best of no use at all, and probably, itself leaning on the edifice supporting it. But passing over that point, I might possibly be inclined to have conceded the intention in consideration of the merit of the execution, to almost any one in the world, but to this captious scribbler.-It is a pleasing symptom of good nature to be inclined to attribute every action to a good motive if possible; but this, my friend, is only inclined to do so on one side, and to do it on that side in order to cast a greater slur and reproach on the other. He commends the merchants in order to revile the nobility. If therefore, I am now about to pull a stone or two out of this prodigious pyramid of glory and honour, which these wealthy dealers in contracts and stocks are raising to themselves, they must attribute it entirely to the indiscreet zeal of this eulogist, and not at all to any malevolence of mine, for I was well enough inclined, till thus provoked, to leave them in quiet possession of the whole, whatever it might be. I will therefore say, that if it be admitted, that the upholding the stocks is meritorious, those persons who disinterestedly make sacrifices for that purpose are deserving the gratitude of the country. But, if it should happen that none of these merchants and bankers are in the case of disinterested persons, if it should appear that the supporting of the credit of the stocks, is necessary to support their own credit, and their own credit absolutely necessary to the preservation of that wealth, which supplies them with all the pleasures and luxuries of life, and enables some of them to eclipse, in show, all the great and noble families in the country; if this should appear to be the case, (and if I am not very much deceived, every one will at once perceive that it is so), then i say, all these public-spirited dealers in the 3 per cents. are entitled to no more praise at all, than that to which every man is entitled, who is willing to sacrifice a little in order to preserve a great deal; who is inclined to bear a little pain in order to rid himself of a serious suffering; in short, to the praise of prudence and foresight. And I am the rather of this opinion, as I do not observe that these gentlemen have ever manifested this wonderful degree of public spirit in any other manner or on any o her occasion. I do not blame them for that, nor do I wonder. at it. I only mean to contend, that for this they have no right to assume all that praise which they seem to arrogate to themselves.——2dly, I deny that the nobility and gentry who have not set

Peo

down their names to this subscription deserve blame. Seeing the objects of the subscription itself to be such as I have before hinted, and seeing too, that these persons are but very little interested in promoting these objects, (very little indeed, when compared with the mercantile gentlemen), it is not much to be wondered at, that they should have held back. And the less will this be matter of wonder, I conceive, when it is considered, that by so doing, they at least forbear to bring into public light and notoriety, the mortifying fact of the inferiority, in point of opulence, of the landed geny to the merchants. ple may talk as much, and as long as they like, of laying aside all considerations of private feelings; it is not in human_nature to do so; and when their private feelings are honourable, when they arise from good motives, and tend to a good end, it would be unfortunate if it were. Gentlemen of eminent families may well and properly be grieved, if they were to see published in every ale-house of the land, their inability to equal, in pecuniary sacrifices, those who may be of very inferior origin; and the more so, as on reading such accounts all persons are naturally inclined to measure the will by the deed, and will be very apt to exclaim, "Here are the merchants

66

coming down with their thousands, but "the sordid nobility and gentry scarce"ly subscribe as many units." . Will not this be the general observation ? And is it not proved by this very writer, who on no better ground than this, has had the insolence to write the paragraph above quoted?Having said thus much, in order to prove, that neither the one party is deserving of all the commendation they have received for what they have done, nor the other all the blame, which has been imputed to them, for what they have not done, I should wish to ask, upon what grounds it is that the nobility are accused of degeneracy, of want of spirit and feeling for the country? They have not subscribed at Lloyd's. Have they done nothing else, have they not come forward in the militia, or in corps of yeomanry and volunteers? I really do not know the real answer to these queries; but this I know, that if without one single exception, they were to be answered in the negative, I should still hold them guiltless of the charge. Let us consider what means they have had offered to them of coming forward, and under whom. Under whom ! under the auspices of the right hon. H. Addington, son of Addington, M. D., raised by the friendship of Mr. Pitt to be

speaker, and chosen to be prime minister of the country, no one knows why or wherefore; and supported in that situation no one knows how; but confessedly, neither by his abilities, nor his merit, nor the wisdom of the measures of his administration. Is it matter of surprise, that men proud of their birth, of their hereditary honours, of their ancient families, should be backward to come forward under these auspices? Or are bis colleagues, and his associates, and his friends, likely to mend the matter? There is, my Lord Hawkesbury, in the first place, and then there are brother Bragge, secretary at war, brother Hiley, first paymaster of the army, and friend Tierney treasurer of the navy.

(And I have by the way but one just remark, that after certain adventures of some of the last named right hon. gentleman's family in Jamaica, it seems rather extraordinary Lat the treasurership of the navy should be just the situation pitched upon for him) repeat the question: is it matter of wonder, if Peers and men of noble birth, should not choose to come forward under the auspices of such men as these? But in point of fact, I believe, these considerations of family pride, which in my opinion are very wholesome and very seasonable too, were a good deal got rid of, and all the men in the country were willing, and ready, and zealous, to come forward, if but the means and opportunity had been given to them. But even this was denied. The militia was called out, it will be said. It was so, immediately after the message of the 18th of March, when there existed a very great spi rit in the country, and yet few gentlenien joined it. Very likely, that is no matter of surp ise to me. I should rather wonder if any did. Considering the manner in which the militia was treated last war, and the probability (not to say the avowed inten tion) of repeating that treatment now, that would be no matter of surprize to me. The militia was called out, and nothing else was done. Many gentlemen made offers of service, and of raising corps. Some few were accepted, others refused; to others no answer at all was given, and all this apparently from whim, caprice, or partiality, for it has more than once happened that offers perfectly similar and cotemporary has met with all these different receptions. In one case an offer was made and accepted: many gentlem were coming forward in consequence of the popularity of a noble earl who had mal that offer, and had proposed themselves to officer the corps which was to be raised; but lo! all at once some unfore seen impe i m ut arose, and all these person

were sent about their business. Is this conduct likely to promote spirit, or to encou rage gentlemen to exert themselves? Now, at last, volunteer corps are to be raised. This measure comes most tardily, if it was meant that gentlemen should take a lead in them, and bring them forward to any good purpose. Is it, however, at all likely, when all the ci cumstances of their promotion is considered, and when experience has so lately convinced all who have had any thing to do with them, of the trouble they occasioned, and of their total insufficiency? You have already handled this matter so well, that I shall not say another word on that subject, only adding, that I believe every man who has had any thing to do with volunteer corps, and every other man who will but give himself the trouble to think, will perfect'y agree with you in every word you have said about them. One nieasure, indeed, was adopted, which promised to be most useful, which would have given every gentleman of property and spirit an opportunity of exerting himself in the most useful manner, and in his proper sphere. But, alas! that measure was scarcely ado, tod before it was again laid aside! Ministers, as if frightened at the extent of the plan, which was throughout, in the idea, most excellent (a little faulty, perhaps, in the execution, and that is all) had no sooner began to act upon it, than they immediately exerted every nerve to prevent its efficacy, and to spoil its operations. The General Arming Bill is the measure I allude to Of a most excellent tendency was it, but now, by their alterations and corrections, assisted by private instructions to Lord Lieutenants and others, it has at length dwindled to the raising a mass of volunteer corps a mass of incomplete, ill organized, ill-disciplined men, having none of the qualities of a soldier, not even that of having a musquet a-piece, [Vide Lord Hobart's Letter, in which 25 musquets are said to be sufficient for 100 men] and incapable of doing any thing, but create disorder, confusion, and delay. How great, on the contrary, might have been the benefits derived from the prosecution of the original scheme! We should then have seen every gentleman of property and influence exerting himself wherever that property and influence were, in forming not only the bodies of men to the use of arms, but forming their minds too; infusing into them all that spirit, energy, and zeal, which the present contest, well brought forward, is so fit and so capable to bring for h, and without which it is, I fear, little likely to have any, but a most fatal termination. We might then

have had a military spirit rising in every part of the country, and all the best, and strongest, and boldest, and ablest, glowing with voluntary zeal and eagerness to fight her battles. We might have had gentlemen of family and fortune, coming forward, not as colonels and captains of volunteer corps, commanding troops who know not how to obey, and whom they know not how to direct; but using all their influence to infuse that spirit, and to promote that ardour and feeling of patriotism, which (as I observed in a former letter) is of absolute necessity to make a people a military people. Then, indeed, we should have had a fair prospect of safety, however great the power and formidable the force of our enemy. We should have had that in the country, which neither the swords nor the cannon of the enemy would impair or destroy. We should have had a mind diffused throughout the people, incapable of being subdued, which, indeed, can be of little use without the cooperation of fleets and armies; but which would have produced them, and without which fleets, however well appointed, and armies, however numerous, can be of no avail. In lieu of this, ministers prefer volunteer corps-theirs is the choice, theirs be the merit or the blame. I shou'd now conclude, at least for the present, if I did not think it necessary to observe, that there is a laborious duty, neither rare, nor easy, nor unimportant, which falls altogether upon the noblemen, country gentlemen, and clergy, which they are most assiduous in the discharge of, and for which they never receive any compensation or even any thanks; I mean all the business performed by them as Magistrates and as Deputy Lieutenants. All the labour of these situations is peculiarly theirs, and at this time is particularly urgent and multiplied, and that alone should entitle them, at least, to the privilege of not being reviled for total inactivity at this urgent crisis.--1 am, yours, &c.

PUBLIC PAPER.

ANNIBAL.

Notice of the BLOCKADE of the Port of HAVRE DE GRACE, by the Ships of HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY, -Dated Downing Street, Sept. 6, 1803.

The King has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the Right Honourable Lord Hawkesbury, his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Ministers of Neutral Powers residing at this Court, that his Majesty has thought proper, for the defence of his dominions, and the protection of his subjects, to take the most effectual measures for the blockade of the entrance of the port of Havre de Grace, and the other ports of the Seine; and that from this

time all the measures authorised by the Law of Nations, and the respective treaties between his Majesty and the different Neutral Powers will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS.

The following is a copy of the Address, which was lately proposed to be delivered to his Majesty, on the part of the Irish Catholic Noblemen and Gentlemen. The Ministers insisted upon certain alterations being made in it, previously to their laying it before the King. These alterations are inserted here, between brackets, which brackets embrace the words proposed to be put in by the Ministers, in lieu of those words of the address which are distinguished by ITALICK CHARACTERS.

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,--We the under signed, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, humbly presume to approach your Majesty on the renovation of hostilities with a most dangerous enemy, in full confidence that a sincere tender of our utmost exertions in the common cause of the British Empire, will be graciously received by the common Father of his people. We give place, Sire, to none of your Majesty's subjects in fidelity and loyalty to our Sovereign. Experience has proved our unvarying attachment to the illustrious House of Brunswick, and we entreat leave to assure your Majesty that our gratitude has, throughout a reign of general mildness and benevolence, constantly kept pace with the favours, indulgencies, and concessions granted to your Roman Catholic subjects. But, may it please your Majesty, we cannot dissemble how much our zeal is counteracted [we feel it incumbent upon us to represent to your Majesty, that our zeal is materially counteracted], and, as we humbly conceive, the good of your Majesty's services is impeded, in consequence of the laws and provisions by which persons receiving under your Majesty's grant, any pay, salary, tee, or wages in your Majesty's seivice (except under certain limitations within the jurisdiction of the late Parliament of Ireland) are rendered liable to forfeitures, disabilities, and incapacities, unless they conform to certain conditions utterly repugnant to the profession of religion made by us in the oath lately prescribed by the legislature as the test of our allegiance to your Majesty.Without presuming to suggest limits, modes or times to your Majesty's Royal will and pleasure, we humbly conceive the present awful crisis of public affairs, imperiously calls for the assistance of every arm that can be raised in defence of our King and Country, and que confidently look to the moment as not far distant [we look to the moment in which] in which our utmost zcal and exertions for your Majesty's person and government, and for the welfare of our country, may be brought into full action by our admission to an equal participation of all the rights and benefits of the constitution.So may your Majesty long enjoy and transmit to your latest posterity, a crown secured in the affections, and supported by the cordial and unchecked energies of an united, happy, and grateful people *.

*The address, thus amended by the Ministers the Catholic Noblemen retused to present,