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Augusta, of 8 guns and 25 men, was attacked by two Dutch schooners, one of 12 guns and 70 men, and one of 8 guns and 50 men. Several broadsides were exchanged, and several attempts were made to board the cutter, at Leng h, after an hour's engagement, the enemy was beaten off. Lieut. Scott, who commanded the frincess Augusta, and the gunner and boatswain were killed, and three others wounded. On the 27th and 28th instant, Calais was bombarded by a squadron under the command of Admiral Montague: the official accounts have not yet been received.-in consequence of the recommendation of H. R. H. Prince William of loucester, a meeting of the mayor and inhabitants of Liverpool was held for the purpose of providing means for the constsuction of floating batteries and gun-boats for the defence of the harbour.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

FUND AT LLOYD'S.

The stop, which appears to have been put to the progress of this fund, is, very probably, to be, in some measure, attributed to the remarks, which were made with respect to it, in a former sheet of this work; it is, at least, certain, that, since the publication of those remarks, not more than about five thousand pounds have been brought in, even if we include the subscriptions of "the wo"men of the United Kingdom," who, on this occasion, as on most others, seem to have much more penetration than the men. But, your true mercantile spirit is not easily subdued, though it may, in some cases, meet with an effectual check. Finding the general call to be unavailing, and also finding, that the expenses of advertising amounted to no inconsiderable part of the receipts, the Committee at Lloyd's have had recourse to a mode of address more direct in its nature, and, as they imagine, more likely to produce the desired effect. They have sent a circular Letter to the Mayors, or Chief Magistrates, of the several cities, towns, and boroughs of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, of which letter the following is a copy:

"Patriotic Fund.- Lloyd's CoffeeSIR, House, 9th Aug 1803. By direction of the Committee appointed by the Subscribers to manage this Fund, I beg leave to inclose certain Resolutions, and to request you will have the goodness to use all your influence in promoting the objects of the Institution, The Committee consider it unnecessary to point out the various important and humane ends which

* See present Volume, p. 281 et seq. to which the reader is requested to refer.

it embraces, and the imperious call which is made at the present crisis on men of all ranks and conditions in the community; being persuaded that these will present themselves to the minds of the well disposed, and give effect to the Exertions which you may be pleased to make in your place and neighbourhood.-The Committee beg leave to suggest, whether a Subscription may not be opened in your town, and the money collected from time to time be remitted to, and placed under the charge of the General Committee here; leaving it however to your own discretion, and that of those who may join with you in this great work, to decide on such modes as may be considered the most beneficial for the purposes of this Institution.-As such part of the Fund as shall not be used for the purposes now intended will be returned, in proportion to the sums subscribed, you are requested to be particular in de scribing those who may come forward on this occasion.- -I have the honor to be,Sir,-your most obedient, and most humble Servant,-Francis Baring, Chairman."

That the Committee at Lloyd's should issue a paper like this is by no means surprising one of their foolish flatterers, in the newspapers, have called them" Kings of "Albion's Isles;" and, it would not have been very astonishing, if they had sent out a proclamation instead of a Circular Letter. But, what does astonish one, is, that they should, in this act of encroachment, haveTM received the sanction of government, or, at least, the aid of one of its officers! The circular letter, coming from Sir Francis Baring, as chairman of the Committee, might, probably, in some places, have received some attention; but, the circumstance of its being franked and forwarded by the Secretary of the General Post-Office, who is, of course, understood to act under the direction of his superiors, entirely changes its nature; and, to the hands of the magistrate, it now comes as a strong invitation, not to say a command, to raise money upon the people of his city, town, or borough. The magistrates are all, in some degree or other, under the influence of the government. Many of them are closely connected with it; and, no small part of them have, either already or by expectancy, a dependence upon it, on their own account or on account of some relation or friend. To persons thus situated a letter is addressed by an officer of the government. He does not, indeed, write the letter; but he sends it; and, it will not be denied, that, out of every hundred persons, to whom he sends it, ninety-nine will look upon the con

vernment, and will" use ALL their in"fluence," which is by no means small, to induce the people to give their money into their hands, in order that it may be transmitted to the Committee at Lloyd's CoffeeHouse. Therefore, the government, if it has authorised MR. FREELING to frank and to circulate this letter, is, to all intents and purposes, engaged in the act of raising money upon the people without consent of parliament; and, if MR. FREELING has proceeded without authority, he has been guilty of a most Aagrant abuse of office, the power of frank

tents as speaking the wishes of government. Thus, then, the magistrates of the kingdom are invited, as they think, by the governmen, to “use all their influence" in prevailing upon the people to give up their money, without limitation as to amount, into the hands of a committee of stock-dealers, a self-created club, assembled at a CoffeeHouse at London. By the same authority the magistrates are told, that there is an "imperious call, upon men of all ranks and "conditions," to yield to the influence thus to be exerted; and, a no very unintelligible hint is given, that, those who refuse to sub-ing, which has been given to him, having scribe will be excluded from the number of the "well disposed," who, that they may be distinguished from the rest, are requested to be accurately described, in the several reports and returns made to the self-created government at Lloyd's Coffee-House. Some of the magistrates will, doubtless, treat this insolent insinuation with the contempt that it deserves; they will recollect, that neither their Majesties nor their Royal progeny have subscribed to this fund; that very few, comparatively speaking, of the nobility, country-gentlemen, and clergy, have had the weakness, or the vanity, to be wheedled into the list; and, indeed, they will perceive, that the "well-disposed" who have contributed do not, including the ministers, the footmen, the Everlasting-Club, and the 17 pea podders, amount to more than about three-thousand souls, a number most alarmingly small, if we were to consider all the rest as being ill-disposed persons, especially when we reflect, that there are, at this moment, about five hundred thousand men under arms. The "Everlasting-Club, who "meet 365 times a year, at Mr. Rees, Ma"ry's Buildings, St. Martin's Lane," have, it seems, subscribed £21.0.0; while, seven"teen gathering girls in Mr. Morris's gar "den at Brentford," animated by spirits not Jess ardent, though, perhaps, not so liberally imbibed nor quite so often and so regularly renewed, have, it appears, contributed their 6d a piece, making the aggregate sum of Ss. and 6d. And, is it a rabble of lacquays, and chambermaids, and sots, and hedge prostitutes, that the magistrates are to regard as the well-disposed people of the kingdom, merely because, from folly or fun, they happened to give a trifle towards the fund at Lloyd's?--But, though some, and even many, of the magistrates will treat the Circular Letter with just contempt, there are, it is to be feared, many who will not, but who, from motives, such as are above described, will obey what they look upon as the invitation, that is to say, the order, of go

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been, expressly and by law, confined to letters, &c. &c. "sent on his Majesty's service." - That the ministers should wish much success to a fund which, were it to succeed to the desires of some persons, would soon render Lloyd's a formidable rival of St. James's, is not very likely; and, the truth very probably is, that, the Committee, wishing to save the expense of the postage of ten or twelve thousand letters, applied to MR. FREELING, who, in his turn, applied to the Ministers, who gave their consent, for fear of offending the Committee. But, whether the thing has arisen from collusion, or from cowardice, the effect is the same: the ministers have, through the agency of MR. FREELING, assumed a participation in all the acts of the Committee at the Coffee-house, and have been rendered instrumental in a proceeding, which, if it be not, strictly speaking, illegal, is certainly hostile to the spirit of the laws and to the nature of the government, and which, unless prevented by timely interposition, seems to threaten a total subversion of every principle of subordination to the legitimate powers of the state. For, besides the attempt to render the magistracy, the preservers of the peace, the judges, in many cases, between man and man, the king's representatives in the eyes of the people; besides the attempt to render these persons the tax-gatherers of a committee of merchants, to turn the rod of the penal law into a means of extortion; besides this most impudent attempt, the transaction here spoken of may serve as a precedent for dispensing with the aid of Parliament, whenever a minister might be disposed to carry measures against its wishes. If a committee at Lloyd's can, under the sanction and with the countenance of government, raise money upon the people, so can any other body of persons at any other place; and, if money can be so raised for one purpose, it can be so raised for another purpose. If a minister has a wish to carry

any point, either at home or abroad, requir- | ing money, and if the Parliament will not grant that money, he has nothing to do but to cause some body of great proprietors to open a subscription, and to fill it with all the aid that his influence can give. A case of this sort is not, indeed, likely to arise; but, cases of another sort may possibly arise, and, against these, it becomes the nation to be on its guard. The danger to be apprehended from thus holding out, before-hand, rewards to men for doing their duty must be very evident to all those, who are, in the least degree, acquainted with the naval or military professions. That which is received as a gift at first, is next expected as a thing of course, and is very soon claimed as a right. And, as to the donors, too, the "King's of Albion's Isle;" they may, at any future time, acquire, by these means, a very powerful voice in the question of peace or war; they may revive their subscriptions, or not, as suits their interest, or their humour; and, they may, thereby, contribute, in a most powerful manner, towards making any war popular or unpopular: so that, the government, in lending its aid to the subscription at Lloyd's, is actually committing one of those suicidial acts, by which alone an ancient and well-constituted government can fall. The point of view, however, in which this fund appears most dangerous, is, as it may become an engine in the hands of the monied, against the landed, interest of the country, during the present contest. Some persons perceive times of great trouble, if not of great calamity and confusion, approaching; and, who shall say, that the fund at Lloyd's may not, if it fall into improper hands, be made use of for the purpose of obtaining a party in the fleet and the army. Nay, it is very clear, that all the noise which has been made about this "patriotic fund," must already have had a strong tendency to create, among the soldiers and sailors, a warm friendship for the stock-dealers and other traders of London; and, if a crisis should arrive, when the interests of those traders are placed in open, as they already are in secret, opposition to those of the nobility, the landed gentry, and the clergy, who form the basis of the monarchy, great danger may therefrom arise even to that monarchy itself. Without, therefore, attributing any mischievous motive to those, with whom the "patriotic fund" originated; without supposing them to have had, or yet to have in view, any more than merely to hold out an encouragement to persons to fight in defence of the stocks, one may be allowed to dread the use, to which, in troublesome times, such a fund

might be applied. Men may say what they please about the common interest of the land and the money; monied men will always encourage this notion, because they well know, that while the land-owners believe it to exist, the money is swallowing up the land; but, the truth is, that these interests are incessantly at variance; and, when times of great publie calamity come on, they openly take their sides. Such times may never come; but those who wish to preserve the monarchy, though funds, and commerce, and manufactures should be all crushed in the struggle, will do well to set their faces against every combination, the object of which is, to raise the monied interest above that of the land, and particularly if it tend, as in the present instance, to give that monied interest an extensive influence in the fleet and the army.Viewing the subject in this light, it is impossible to refrain from expressing one's astonishment at the conduct of those amongst the nobility and clergy, who have been so forward in promoting the success of the "patriotie fund," and, thereby, perhaps, in furnishing the means of destroying the orders, to which they belong. The Bishop of Durham has, it appears, been prevailed upon to become the great defender and patron of the Lloyd's Fund; and has even caused a circular letter, of which the following is a copy, to be sent to all the clergy in his diocese, exhorting them to aid the undertaking.

Durham, Sept. 6, 1803. "REVEREND SIR,-I am requested, by "the Committee for the Durham Patriotic Fund, to transmit you a copy of the fol"lowing resolution, which has been passed at a meeting held this day.I am, Reve"rend Sir, your obedient Servant,

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"ROBERT BURRELL. "RESOLVED. That the parochial clergy, "in the county, be requested to explain to "their respective parishioners the nature, " and to recommend the object of the Pa"TRIOTIC FUND AT LLOYD's, and the "Durham County Fund; and also to re"ceive any subscriptions that may be paid. "to them, and to transmit the same imme

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diately to any of the Banks, in Newcas"tle, or in the county of Durham, appoint"ed to receive subscriptions."

-This is very pretty employment for the parochial clergy, truly! They, too, as well as the magistrates, are, it seems, to become tax-gatherers to the Committee at Lloyd's! Who, amidst all the changes, and chances, and revolutions of the world, who ever ex• pected to see a Bishop and his Clergy employed in collecting money to be deposited in the hands of a set of brokers and jews!

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And for what? That the said brokers and jews may trample upon the Bishops and Clergy with, if possible, more contempt than they already do. There have, before, been funds collected in extraordinary times, like the present, both in this and in other countries; but, this fund differs from all others in the mode of its application. No specific object has, indeed, been fixed upon by the Committee at Lloyd's: nor, can any one tell you, when, or how, or where, or on whom, or for what, the mo ney is finally to be bestowed: it is intendei for "OUR DEFENDERS," and, which is the remarkable characteristic, it is to be received from the hands of the Committee at Lloyd's: a set of stock-dealers are to be the rewarders of sailors and soldiers. In France, whatever has been given, in this way, has been lodged in the hands of the government. In America the same course was pursued the Congress had the disposal of the money. In England several sums were collected for the army during the American war: these sums were laid out in flannel, in hosiery, &c but the articles were sent to the commanders, to be by them distributed. During the rebellion of 1745, a very considerable sum was collected in London for the benefit of the soldiers and sailors; but, it was destined to specific purposes, £5,000 was for the maimed and wounded; £5,000 for the reward of merit; the rest, consisting of about £8.000 was expended, in the aid of government, in warm clothing, as the campaign was a winter one, and in a cold climate; but, the money then voted for the maimed and wounded, and for the reward of merit, was, as soon as raised, transmitted to the Commander in Chief, the Duke of Cumberland, who represented the king; and not left to be distributed according to the discretion and judgment of the then Committee, though that Committee, which assembled at Guildhall instead of Lloyd's, was composed of the Lord Mayor and twelve Aldermen, the twelve Judges, the Master of the Rolls, &c. who had not the effrontory to ar rogate to themselves the power of distinguishing and rewarding military and naval merit, which belongs to the monarch alone. -If the Stock-dealers and their Committee at Lloyd's have no sinister views; if they are not levying taxes upon the land, and houses, and labour of the whole kingdom merely for the sake of propping up the value of that paper, by which they are enabled to ride over the nobility, gentry, and clergy; if they do not wish to create, by the means of this fund, a stock-jobbing party in the army and the fleet; if they are

not, in the language of the statute, endeavouring to obtain money upon false pre"tences;" if their intention really is to provide comforts for the maimed and the wounded, and pecuniary rewards for the meritorious, let them lodge the money, which they have collected, in the hands of the Commander in Chief and the Lords of the Admiralty, to be by them distributed amongst those who may be found to merit it most. But, this they appear to have no intention of doing: the money, as fast as collected, is laid out in stock; that is to say, is so disposed of as to assist in keeping up the funds, iu preserving the value of the property of the Comanitiee at Lloyd's, and of the whole body of stock-dealers, of whom that Committee are the representatives. Special care has been taken not to place any nobleman, country gentleman, or clergyman on the Committee. The "King's of Albion's Isle" want no brothers near their throne. They look upon all the other orders of society as made for their use; and, it must be confessed, that if the nobility, landed gentry, and clergy, are foolish or pusillanimoos enough to become tools in their hands, they deserve all the rigours and all the disgrace naturally attached to such a situation.

The BOMBARDMENTS, on the coast of France, seem to have awakened the dormant spirit of philanthropy, which has, for some time past, not made itself heard in the London newspapers. The "poor innocent people" at Granville, Calais, &c. those poor innocent people, who, as a correspondent well observes, would, if they could, cut the throats of every man, woman, and child in England; these poor innocent people are not only to be spared themselves, but the mere circumstance of their living at the places, where preparations are making for an invasion of this country, that ci cumstance alone, is to protect those places, and to guard the preparations also!!! Absurd as this is, there are not wanting publications, or there is, at least, one periodical publication, which has the effrontery to attempt to deceive the public into a belief, that the bombardments now going on against the enemy are "contrary to the laws of war," than which nothing can be more directly in the face of truth. The laws of war would, under the present circumstances, fully authorise us to destroy every house and hut upon the coast of France, whether near any military preparations or not; for, without troubling oneself with points in detail, are not the French preparing to invade and to plunder this kingdoin? Have they not in the most open and solemn man ner, declared it to be their intention to

lay waste our country? This nobody will deny and are we, then, to be told, that we are not to lay-waste a town of France? They tell the whole world, that their object is to punish us: and, have we not, during the contest, a right to punish them? They, in the very beginning, set at defiance all the laws of modern and mitigated war," by seizing and robbing the English travellers, who happened to be in France, and who were protected by French passports: and, is the war to be "modern and mitigated" on our part only ?The question is, therefore, merely a question of expediency, and, that the bombardments are expedient as well as just, there can be very little doubt. Those who talk about the exasperation, which those attacks on the coast must cause in the mind of Buonaparté and of the French army and people, are totally ignorant of the character of our enemy, or are misled by their own cowardice. Besides, if this argument were worth any thing, there would be an end at once to all our ideas of offensive war. Nay, even during a battle with an enemy of superior force, you must not venture to do him any signal mischief, lest you should thereby render him more implacable! Never was there a notion at once so cowardly and so foolish. This is the fatal notion, which prevailed during the last war, and which led nation after nation under the yoke of France, who triumphed only because her enemics (if, indeed, they could be so called) adhered, through cowardice, to the modern laws and usages of nations and of war, while she set them all at defiance.

The VOLUNTEER CORPS are, it appears, to be immediately subjected to the inspection of certain field officers of the army, who have been appointed for that especial purpose. This is a measure recommended in the Register nearly two months ago. Nothing is yet said about the marching of these corps ten or twenty miles in a day, to try the wind and strength of the men; but, as the INSPECTORS will have the absolute command of each corps, as often as they please, they will, it is hoped, make them frequently perform long marches, carrying a load equal to that which is usually carried upon a march of actual service,-Tossing their legs up in a park or a meadow will not prepare them for a march to the coast. They should be taken over ploughed fields, along narrow lanes, over rough heath and furze lands, and through copices and forests. They should

be made to run sometimes for a mile together; sometimes to stand to their arms for half a day; and sometimes to take up their lodgings in barns and cart-houses during the night. By means like these, they would soon learn to perform great part of the business of a real soldier, and would hear of the landing of the enemy with very little dread. The old, the fat, the lazy, the feeble and unwilling men would, indeed, soon drop out of the corps; but, those who remained, might be relied upon; and the vacancies occasioned by the resignations would be filled up with better stuff. At present there is no way of proving either the capability or the ultimate intention of the men. They are to to attend muster and exercise regularly, and are to obey all orders that are given them; but, if they do not attend, and if they do not obey, what is the consequence? Only an exclusion from the benefit of being exempted from the ballots of the militia and army of reserve, and from receiving two guineas for drill and clothing money! What, then, is to binder them from quitting the corps the moment it is about to be called, or is called out upon actual service? And who will undertake to promise, that, when the hour of utmost need comes, some, if not many, of these corps will not become mere skeletons? But, let them be well-marched, well tried, and well sified, before hand; make their duty now, for a part of their time, at least, pretty nearly as hard as it ever can be, and, on those who still remain on the establishment you may, then, place a perfect reliance. While this sort of discipline is practised in all the corps, it would be well to call out, immediately, as many as would make up fifty thousand men, and march them to join the army in Essex and Kent. The law provides for calling them out in certain cases; and there would be very little difficulty in proving, that the state of things contemplated by the act, the casus fœderis between the government and the Volunteer Corps, does now actually exist. These fifty thousand should be selected from the parts of the kingdom which are the most agricultural; and none of them should, if possible, come from great cities or munufacturing towns. Shop-keepers will fight the mob, but will do very little against the enemy.

The York Correspondent will'find w hat he wants at Mr. John Budd's, No. 100, Pall Mall. The Supplement to Vol. III. is just published.

LONDON,

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