| greatest of all the provocations, which had led us to renew the war! Nav, Sir, struggle not! I have you fast: there is no turn nor twist that can rescue you from my grasp. You have said, in parliament, and it is recorded in the reports of the debates, that the greatest of all the provocations given us by France to renew the war, was the attempt which she made to procure a surren "equal degree of gratitude and obligation *to any quarter or to any protecting exer❝tion as this country now owes to the spirited and principled exertions of the gene"ral press of Great Britain. The right "hon. gentleman, however, I am sure, does *<not mean to extend his censure or con. tempt to all periodical political publications. The poor daily prints are of low rank which he may despise; but the aris-der of the British press; and it is officially "tocratic dignity of a Weekly Register, I sus"pect, is exempted from his sarcastic ani"madversions."—As to the attempt of oar atrocious enemy to bully ministers into a surrender of the freedom of the British press, the attempt was not altogether unsuccessful; and, it will, to men of principle and of discernment appear rather odd, Sir, that you should, amidst all your anxiety for the press, have entirely overlooked the affair of Mr. Peltier, who, while ministers were in hopes of preserving peace, was prosecuted and convicted of libelling Buonaparté, but who, the rupture having been resolved on soon after the trial, was never brought up to receive judgment! Here, indeed, was a case for an advocate for the liberty of the press; but, it was a case with which you took very good care not to meddle. Allowing that you are right in considering the attempt upon the press to be the greatest of all the provocations, which the enemy has given us to renew the war. What press was it, the freedom of which he wanted surrendered to him? Not that of your diurnal prints: those prints were serving him very well indeed. No; it was not the London newspapers that he wanted to put down; it was, to use Mr. Otto's own words, Peltier, the Courier François de Londres, Cobbett, and other writers, who resembled them."* It was not the Morning Post and the True Briton and the Times, and such publications, but Peltier, Regnier, and Cobbett, and writers who resembled them, that the person, whom you now call "our atrocious "enemy," and whom you formerly eulogized by applying to him the description of Hannibal, wished to annihilate. Mr. Peltier and Mr. Regnier wrote and published in French; so that my " aristocratical "Weekly Register" appears to have been the only part of the "British press," the freedom of which our enemy attempted to make the ministers surrender, a circumstance which you certainly had forgotten, when you declared this attempt was the declared, in a letter from the French mini ter to Lord Hawkesbury, that, as far as the British press is concerned, France wishes to silence only Cobbett and writers who resamble him; so that, according to your own sentiment, so solemnly declared and so loudly cheered by the House and by the gallery, to attempt to suppress my writings and others resembling them was the greatest of all the provocations given us by France to renew the war! And yet, the time of making this declaration was chosen by you, it was even sought after, as if it had been the properest of all occasions for speaking ill of my work, and for imputing as a crime to Mr. Windham his saying, that I merited a statue of gold. The praise, which he was pleased to bestow on me, was, assuredly, very far beyond my deserts; but, Sir, even supposing his meaning to have been literal, his eulogium falls far short of that which you unwittingly pronounced; for, if the attempt to suppress my writings and those that resembled them was the greatest of all those provocations, which produced the rupture with France, it follows, of course, that to prevent that suppression is one of the principal objects of the present war. The merits of the diurnal journalists are now to be considered; for, though you did, indeed, speak in praise of the press in general, the whole tenor of your speech proves, that you had the London newspapers principally, if not exclusively, in view. I have, however, no objection to extend your friendship and my hostility to the "general press," as far as politics are concerned; for, most certainly, in this department, baseness has long been the rule, and honourable sentiment the exception. Previous to the peace, some of the newspapers, magazines, reviews, and pamphlets, spoke against Buonaparté, and some in favour of him, according to the interests, and, in some few cases, according to the principles and opinions of the writers, or the proprietors. But, no sooner was the peace concluded, than the whole of them, with the excep tion of the Porcupine newspaper and the Anti-Jacobin Review, both then the property and under the editorship of the same gentleman, became loud in his praise. In a little time after this the Register made its first appearance, and steadily kept up that opposition, which I had begun against the peace, in a series of letters to Lord Hawkesbury. The Porcupine newspaper was soon after dropped, and, with the single exception of the editor of the AntiJacobin Review, I continued to be the only public writer, who endeavoured to keep alive some sense of the danger, to which we were exposed from the intrigues and the power of our enemy. The pamphleteers of all parties, Sir F. M. Eden and Mr. Chalmers, Mr. Belsham and Mr. Flower; the British Critic and the Monthly Review, the Gentleman's and the Monthly Magazines, the True Briton and the Morning Chronicle; tories and whigs, royalists and republicans, churchmen and sectaries, christians and infidels; all, all that wrote on politics, wrote not only in praise of the peace, but, more or less, in praise of the nation and of the particular person, with whom that peace was made. Nothing was to be heard but expressions of respect for Buonaparté, and of the earnest desire to cultivate with him friendship the most cordial and connexions the most close; while the few persons, who persevered in cautioning the country against its danger, and in endeavouring to prepare it for a successful resistance of that danger, were, every occasion that presented itself, most shamefully misrepresented, most grossly and scandalously vilified. They were described as a disappointed and mortified faction; persons who, in consequence of the peace, had lost their occupation; men who, for the sake of their own emoluments, were ready to shed the last drop of British blood; advocates for eternal war, alarmists, incendiaries, and blood-hounds. To specify the several instances of baseness displayed by the London newspapers, be ween the conclusion of the peace and the breaking out of the war, would require a volume of no moderate bulk one, however, I cannot forbear particularly to mention; I mean, the approbation, which those prints were, before hand, prepared to bestow on his Majesty's ministers for surrendering the Vandean Royalists to Buonaparté, in virtue of Art. XX. of the treaty of Amiens. It was stated, in all the London newspapers, that, upon the application of Mr. Otto, ministers had brought several Chouans from Jersey to Sea hampton; that some of these persons had not been in France since the conclusion of the definitive treaty, and others of them had been there and were : on accused of having, since the signature of the treaty, committed some of the crimes specified in the twentieth article; that ministers were, on the demand of Buonaparté, about to send the former ont of the country, and to deliver up the latter; and that these pacific and conciliatory steps and intentions ought to be applauded by the country! These were the sentiments, Sir, of the London newspapers; of the rabble of hack-writers, whose praises you chaunt, and whose friendship you have the honour to possess. Amongst the provocations, which, according to the statement of the ministers, produced the declaration of war against France, was, the demand of Buonaparté to cause the French Princes and other emigrants to leave this country. What! was this so grave a provocation? What, then, shall we think, and what will the world think and say of the London newspapers, who were ready to applaud the "pacific and conciliatory steps and intentions of ministers," upon the supposition that those steps and intentions extended not only to the forcing French Royalists out of the country, but to the delivering them up to Buonaparté, that is to say, to the hands of the executioner, or to those of the driver of the diligence of Cayenne! And, observe, too, that the persons, whom these news-writers thus wished to sacrifice on the altar of peace, or rather of submission, were not mere emigrants, who had taken shelter in this country, but persons, who had been fighting in our cause, and who ought to have been considered as our allics; persons with whom his Majesty had entered into a solemn compact, and whom, as we had, in the treaty, made no stipu lation in their favour, it was our bounden duty to protect and to cherish, if, perchance, they escaped, as some of them did, from the republican cut-throats, and landed safe on our shores. Yet, it was these persons that your friends of the London newspress were ready to applaud the ministers for delivering up to Buonaparté: this act of cruelty, of treachery unparalleled, of national infamy everlasting, they were prepared to justify and to praise, because it was, in their opinions, likely to pacify the man, whom they are now loading with every abusive epithet that our copious language can afford.And, what is the conduct of these news-paper writers now? What has been their conduct, I mean, since the rupture with France? What was that conduct, which you so anxiously sought an opportunity of extolling? Those writers did, as Mr. Windham acknowledged, and not only acknowledged but was the first to observe, upon the breaking out of the war, "show a becoming activity in the public "cause." This, in itself, was well; but, when it was attempted to give to them all, the merits of resistance to the will of France; when it was attempted to establish their exclusive pretensions to loyalty and patriotism; when we, who alone had any just claims to public or regal gratitude on this account, were not only to be shut out from any portion of that gratitude, but to be accused of conduct meriting the severest reproach, if not legal, and even infamous punishment; then it became necessary to revert to their former practices, and to state the probable motives, by which a change in the direction of their efforts had been produced. Accordingly, in reply to your panegyrick, Mr. Windham observed, that it was by no means astonishing, that the London newspapers should become the object of your praise; "for," said he, "they have exactly follow"ed his example. After years of war, in "which he and they professed and dissemi"nated principles and opinions the most "mischievous to the country, they now "wheel suddenly about, and claim great "merit for desisting from their former con"duct, and for endeavouring to preserve them"selves from the fury of the storm, which "they so largely contributed to raise."-This was the real state of the case; for, never did they heartily set their hands to the work of rouzing the people, till they were told, and till they sincerely believed, that Buonaparté had resolved, if he conquered the country, to ship of all the news-mongers to Cayenne! Whether the ministers ought to have credit for this trick, or whether it be due to individual and volunteer invention, I know not; but, its success was complete. Job Aimé, and some other typographical patriots, had given such an account of a tropical climate as was by no means inviting to their brethren of London, who might, on this occasion, be truly said to write for their lives: the time, too, was propitious; fear furnished them with rabble rouzing eloquence, at the very moment that circumstances had created a g ping rabble to their hands.--How they have profited from these advantages, what have been the nature and tendency of their publications, how those publications will bear a comparison with former publications from the same pens and respecting the same principles and the same person or persons, and what degree of credit, for fair and honourable conduct, the nation is likely to derive from their vacnted, puffed,' and panegyrized labours, shall occupy the former part of my next letter, with which 1, at present, intend to close the series." I am, Sir, your, &c. &c. SIR, WM. COBBETT. TO THE EDITOR. † Dublin, 26th Sept. 1803. -Your statement, in your paper of the 27th of August, of the transactions which took place here on the 23d of July, was received with satisfaction, by many real friends of their King and country. They were glad to find that the affairs of Ireland had attracted your notice. Though your paper is sent to, and read by many here, it has not universal circulation through the country. It was intended, therefore, to have that particular letter to Mr. Wickham printed here and circulated. But not a newspaper in Dublin would receive it. All were under the controul of government. In consequence of this it is intended to address to you a series of letters on the affairs of this kingdom and on the conduct of the present government of Ireland in particular. The object of these letters will be to shew that weakness in government is vice: and that want of talent in ministers, is, in most practical instances, more mischievous than want of principle. After endeavouring to expose the conduct of the present government, as it truly deserves, it is intended to advert to the general system, by which Ireland has been governed, and to shew that the rebellions and other disgraces of this unhappy country have been more owing to the weakness of the fluctuating governing instruments, than to the strength of any rebellious principle;-that the later was not so strong, but that the ordinary exertion of common sense and common vigour would have overcome it. And you know enough of mankind to know, that, to repress vice is to promote virtue. It is intended that these letters shall then go on to shew the necessity not only of a mere change of the present government, but also a change of the system; having proved how dangerous it is, in imperial views, to venture at making a job of a kingdom. The brilliancy of the app: ndages of a monarchy are no small part of its * An appendix to these lerters, containing choice mer els trom Mr. Sheridan's speeches for thirteen years past, tog ther with all his speeches at the Whig-Club, is now preparing for the press, and will be ready tor publication soon after the mecting of Parliament. + This letter should have appeared before the letter, which was inserted in the preceding sheet, p. 545 et seq. It was mended as an introduction to the series; but has becwthought better to publish it out of place than to omit it altogether. efficacy and force. And perhaps the brain. of a person, claiming nothing but from the rank of an earldom, is too dull and too thick an atmosphere for the people of this country to see through, so as to be able to perceive and to rejoice in the splendour of that monarch, to whom, if they value their own welfare, they ought to be so ardently attached. This will necessarily lead to the consideration, of how far the appointment of one of the royal family to the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland would be matter of wise policy. The exalted rank of the personage, independent of its encouragement of that lively and warm feeling of personal attachment, which is the fairest child of loyalty, would set such a government above the temptation of petty jobs to provide for any needy branches of a private family. The following the person of the Prince would also give an importance to the subordinate offices which they have hitherto wanted. It would make them objects to the talent and the laudable ambition of England or Ireland to look to. We have had an attorney from Furnival's-Inn, Chief Secretary here. And the swarm of safe politicians, the Castlereaghs Hobarts, &c. has been so extensive that we have been inclined to think they were a peculiar race, which like the seeds of those plants, which the botanists denominate " winged," found in their own levity the immediate cause of their propagation. I have been led to hope that you would receive such an attempt favourably, from having been a constant receiver and reader of your paper from its commencement, and finding in my own judgment a general agreement with the opinions you have published. The idem sentire de respublica was anciently a bond of friendship, and you seem one of those few men who manifest an affection for ancient principles.- -[The letters, in future, will be signed as this letter is, a name adopted without any particular reason, but merely for distinction.] JUVERNA. Correct Copy of the RESOLUTIONS moved by LORD MEADOWBANK, at the late Meeting of the County of Edinburgb, on the 4th instant; and also of the Resolution moved by the Lord Chief Baron, and afterwards adopted by the Meeting. [See preceding sheet, p. 554, et seq.] RESOLVED, 1. That it is without doubt proper that the chief part of the regular forces of the country should be destined for the defence of the south coast, and southern part the east coast of the island, and of the capital of of the empire: but that this destination of these forces renders the greater attention due to the maritime protection of the more northern part of the east coast, and to an effectual and extensive armament of the corresponding districts of the country.2. That this city is the centre of the landed and monied interests of the northern part of the island, and the seat of the Courts of Justice; and Glasgow with its neighbourhood, in point of commercial capital and enterprise, forms an object only second to London in the empire; while the mines and trade of Newcastle may justly be deemed essential to London itself. And now that the ports of Holland, and the small vessels which ply in the inland or coasting navigation of that country are in possession of the enemy, it may naturally form an object with him to direct one of his principal attacks against so vital a part of the empire, either on account of its own importance, or for dive ting thither an army from the defence of the south, or from the unfitness of his vessels to sail round the Orkneys, in the hope in this way to reach Ireland, and at the same time avenge the damage suffered by the bombardments of the coast of France. 3. That to disappoint objects of such consequence, and to afford reasonable tranquillity during the impending winter to this extensive and important quarter of the empire, a fleet consisting of some ships of great force, and of a considerable number of armed vessels of sufficient weight to destroy and run down the small craft of Holland, for the speedy equipment whereof the Greenlandmen now unemployed are at hand; and the destination of which feet should be to communicate with the fleets to the southward and on the enemy's coast, and to range from Hartlepoole and Whitby to Fifeness and Montrose, and to rendezvous in the Frith of Forth, is essential; and no expense or exertion should be spared by the Government to furnish it without longer delay.-4. That the present exigency imperiously requires that the utmost advantage should be taken of the warlike spirit of the northern counties, and the most active attention paid to answer their urgent demands for arms, ammunition, and military organization, in order that they may immediately find themselves in condition to join with efficacy in the defence of their country, and that all grounds of murmuring and disaffection on this subject be forthwith removed. -That the meeting knows that arms and military training may safely be bestowed on the inhabitants of this county under suitable regulations, and they believe the same to hold true as to every other county in Scotland. And at any rate they are certain, that they may be safely entrusted with the peasantry of any country where the magistracy of it advise the measure. And the meeting is of opinion, that if Government cannot immediately supply the people with the requisite quantity of arms of the ordinary description, nothing would tend more to intimidate and repel an invading army, than to find the whole inhabitants manifestly hostile, and armed with any formidable wea pon, of which the invaders had no experience, and that for this purpose it is highly expedient that the inhabitants of this county, and of other counties in a similar situation, who offer their services, should be taught the use of the spear or pike, under officers, and according to arrangements to be appointed by Government, or the county magistracy: and that for this end, the said magistracy should either receive from Government a sufficient number of spears or pikes, or at least be authorised to cause them to be manufactured at the expense of those parishes which are willing to defray it, and take the charge of distributing and keeping account of the same.-5. That a dutiful and loyal address be presented to his Majesty, stating our invariable and persevering attachment to his person and government, and our readiness to lay down our lives and fortunes to maintain his throne, and transmit unimpaired the independence and glory of his realms to succeeding generations. That we have presumed with the urmost humility and deference, to lay at his Majesty's feet these our sentiments on the means of defending and securing our native land, solely from motives of public duty, and in the fullest confidence that they will meet with his Majesty's paternal consideration, and such regard as in his Majesty's great wisdom they shall be found to deserve. The following is the Resolution adopted by the Meeting, on the Motion of the Lord Chief Baron : RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, -That this meeting, understanding from the Lord Lieutenant, that the insufficiency of the maritime force of the east coast of Scotland, and on the Frith of Forth in particular, has been already represented to his Majesty's mini-ters by the Lieutenants of the county and city: the meeting do unanimously approve of, and return their thanks to his Grace and the Lord Provost for their attention to this important object; and they do concur in the same opinion, and request that his Grace will at the same time represent, that it is the opinion of this meeting that the defence of the east coast of Scotland, and particularly of the Frith of Forth, is not sufficiently provided for; and that his Grace the Lord Lieutenant be requested to convey to his Majesty's ministers the unanimous sentiments of this county on the subject, and their hopes that a sufficient ma. ritime force will be immediately appointed for the protection and security of this part of the coast. Statements and Observations on the Sugar Trade between Great Britain and her Old West India Colonies we extract from the Jamaica Paper. They were printed for the use of the Members of the Assembly. £. By the authorities 1785-2,976,555 annexed, it appears 1786-2,207,331 that the average cus 1787-2,634,686 tom house value of sugar, imported from 3)7,818,572 the old British Co lonies, in the years, 2,606,100 1785, 1786, & 1787, amounted to..... Inspector-Gen, 2,606,190 Inspector Gen. 701,300 3,307,490 731,649 2,575,845 |