rebellion, it is feeling also, by which they ON INVASION. SIR,-While nothing but invasion is talked of, will you permit me, amongst others, to say a little on that subject, through your publication. I pretend not to inspiration, I pretend not to hold the elements in my power, to let them loose against the plundering hordes of France, if they ever should be so mad as to save their harbours and venture from under the protection of their own batteries, or horse artillery and demi brigades, marching along shore to cover the craft that is said to be intended to bring them to our shores; but, I must, undoubtedly, pretend to have an opinion as well as those hatching alarins behind their desks, who know as much of the movements of squadrons and flotillas as the giants at Guildhall, and whose pens perform their tasks like the figures at St. Dunstan's. Of all that has appeared on the subject, that most excellent paper in your Register, Vol. IV. p. 200 et seq. is most consonant to my ideas. The writer appears to have understood his subject, it is discussed with professional knowledge and coolness; the trumpet of alarm is not sounded by ignorance, or by the breath of a venal hireling, and you will excuse me for preferring the opinions therein manifested before all others I have seen or heard, as agreeing with my own, and being consistent with that knowledge neces sary to form a just one on the subject. Who, that is possessed of any information, can with temper, read the stupid and ignorant opinions daily trumpeted forth in hireling newspapers. "The French will be over in a fortnight; the enemy's preparations are nearly completed, and he may be expected in a short time."--But I have no patience to transcribe more of these effu sions. The Morning Post, in particular, is continually squalling out invasion, in the true ministerial tone of timidity, and has sucereded so far as to frighten the old women, in some places on the sea coast, from their bun habitations, and it is said, the editor, being seized by the ministerial panic, disposed of the paper for fear of a trip to Cayenne, and like a safe politician, he now blusters under the rose. What, Sir, can be the aim of such men, unless it be to blind the nation from beholding the imbecile measures of those weak and ill informed men, whom you have emphatically stiled the "safe politicians." But, if these men should hire from the purse of the Treasury, all the venal trumpets of the press, are we to surrender our common sense to their bawling? Are those who have gains ed professional knowledge and experience from long service, are they to be led by the nose by ministerial hirelings, bawling out "invasion! invasion! the plunderers are "embarked, they may be expected before "the end of the month?"-Are we to believe Buonaparté holds the winds in his fists, and that, with them, he will blow the vete ran British squadrons off the seas, and puff over his own Muskitto fleet to our shores, laden with myriads of modern Goths, Vandals, and Huns? Are we to believe an dred thousand Frenchmen are to be embarked in a few hours, and in as many more are to reach our shores? Are we to believe, that which has never been performed by the skill, valour, or desperation of men, from the creation of the world until this day, be cause the hirelings of a weak, timid, and sele fish ministry are continually sounding it in our ears, that our attention may be drawn from scrutinizing their inefficient measures, ill-digested plans, and mad profusion of exe pense, only calculated to alarm the people, and increase their own influence by having jobs to dispose of, in throwing up lines, and tearing down bedges and thickets. My pen is here ready to hide itself for shame. O! Britain, how art thou obscured under a cloud of weakness and ignorance! Are we Sir, in matters of such importance, to be swayed by Mr. Addington and those of his puny colleagues, who know, comparatively speaking, as much of what our ships are ca pable of performing, and Buonaparte's bumboats, as they know of the Man in the Moon? No, Sir, we are Britons, not to be intimidated by the cries of cowardice, enraptured place-lover's whine. Let us be prepared as if the plunderers of Europe could come; but let us dare them to come; let us shake the trident of our power in their face, and alarm, their shores with the thunders of our strength. Sball" seven hundred or the thousand: Britons in arms," be at all alarm ed at meeting the Hero of Italy, Acre, and Egypt, at the head of all the force he can muster in France, though he had a road. 19 march over upon, as broad as the sea that rolls between? But such an immense force is of no avail in the hands of men who know not how to direct it; where shall we look for examples of their wisdom and firmness? In the fatal and disgraceful peace of Amiens, of which they once boasted, but now brand with the epithet of fool those who ever be fieved it should last? In saying this they place themselves in the front rank, or if they decline being stationed there, they must allow themselves to be arch-hypocrites. Shall we find their wisdom and firmness in suffering a French fleet and army to sail for the West Indies without their express consent, and before the conclusion of peace? The fate of the latter is no excuse. Shall we find them in dismantling the fleet and disbanding the army amidst the most alarming appear ances of French encroachment? In tamely suffering the unrelenting persecution of our commerce in the ports of France, and stooping to every indignity before an ambitious and swollen usurper?-In their Cursory Remarks, issuing from the Treasury, teeming with ill advised assurance, where the premier chanticleer is perceived crowing lustily on his dunghill? In their continually sounting the trumpet of alarm through their hireling and venal newspapers, whose editors would turn to the chink of a guinea like a weather-cock in a sudden gust of wind? Can we, Sir, perceive acts of wisdom in any of these, or many more that could be mentioned? You have frequently justly observed, that these venal newspapers do incalculable mischief; many of these laboured to lay Britain at the feet of that devouring monster the French revolution: now they are roaring loudly against the terrible giant, as if it were more dreadful in appearance, than two, four, or seven years ago; as if there were any difference in the desires of convention, directory, or cousulate; but now they find their account in supporting the Treasury Bench. These are your goosequill heroes, who marshal armies, place campaigns, embark hosts in feeble' flotillas, that are to brave the thunder of the British navy, which has braved that of the world, defy the elements that have driven it off the seas, and come safely to our shores lumbered with the hordes of revolutionary Fiance, inured to blood, and adepts in the art of plundering nations. But, Sr, despising the calculations of those goose-quill heroes, who like parrots talk of what they do not understands with your correspondent signed a *Friend to my Country," I think it would be a glorious day for this country and Europe, when the First Consul and an hundred thou sand of his troops left the shores of France. Do you believe him in earnest? Let him try his fortune in the enterprize! Think you that he views, without fear, our squadrons waiting with impatience for his approach, burning with ardour to signalize themselves against the inveterate enemies of their coun try, and revolving the most terrible deeds that arms can accomplish. The Morning Post, that trumpet of a timid and imbecile ministry, amongst other notes of alarm, says, the French are bellowing like bulls to be let loose on England.Let them bellow! Will the ball beilow when he hears the roar of the lion? Where will be French bravado when destitute of the protection of their own batteries, the avenging thunders of the British navy, roused to the utmost fury, far! upon them? Will they then bellow to tread on English ground, or cry to regain their own shores? Those who might escape the tremendous scene of destruction, crowded together in boats, their joints would be for a time benumbed and palsied, besides being sick and powerless from the tossing of the waves, they would at that moment offer an easy conquest to undisciplined valour, but when met by the chosen troops of these kingdoms, ardent to cope with them in the full exercise of their strength, what would be their fate?--Is not the present position of France the very kind of warfare, that Tallyrand told Lord Whitworth would be pursued? Menace us with invasion! continually menacing! They may encamp near the sea coast, build gun boats, creep with them along shore, practise embarkation and debarkation in their harbours, all this farce the First Consul may perform, and by it alarm a timid ministry with an immense force under their con roul, greater than that of France and her subjugated allies; by his naœuvres of seeming preparation, he may stupify more their already somniferous pericraniums, all this will an wer his purpose, by keeping up the show of invasion he will put us to vast expense, while men are opposed to him destitute of every qualification absolutely necessary for their office in these eventful days. And are we, Sir, to hold our peace under a ministry more than hali petrified by fear? who are much more eager in contriving how to keep their places, than how the war is to be carried on with vigour and effect, how our immen-e military force is to be employed in humbing the lawgiven to the potentates on the continent. Let men be called to direct the great concerns of the nation possessed of talent and entrey, whose know leage and capacities are equal to any under.. taking, and whose souls are firm as a rock, braving the fury of the thundering billows. Then might we expect to see other measures adopted, than this degrading and everlasting system of defence; then might we hear of the sea ports of France being reduced to ashes, and her troops instead of browsing about Calais, Dunkirk, Boulogne, and other ports in the Channel, would be compelled to march and countermarch to defend their own coast, harassed, fatigued, and worn out. Then should we turn the tables on the crafty politician making a show of invasion, and alarm, and assault his usurped empire from the Elbe to the Adriatic.- -But, alas! Sir, until we see the reins of power in other hands, until we see those possessed of greater judgment and skill directing the mighty vessel of state amidst the storm the present weak and timid men have conducted us into, what hope have we to escape from its fury and see better days than the evil ones we have fallen into.-May I be permitted to add a little to your correspondant's excellent observations on invasion, on a part of the subject he seems to have overlooked? While Buonapané is rivetting the eyes of our appalled ministry to the coasts in the Channel, he is undoubtedly preparing means in the Mediterranean for the invasion of Ireland. Lord Nelson's force is occupied in blockading Toulon, and watching the motions of the Trench in Italy, but he cannot guard the Gulph of Lyons. From ports there situated, and even from Spanish ports adjacent to the French territory, for what respect does the Consul show to abject, vassal allies when they can serve him in his projects and usurpations, from these ports he may most probably send off single vessels of every description capable of keeping the sea, without convoy, and having troops on board, to rendesvouz in a certain latitude distant from their real destination; to connteract this scheme of craft the space between Gibraltar and Ceuta ought to be strictly guarded, and no vessels suffered to pass without a minute examination of their cargoes, keeping a good look out for any stealing along the Barbary shore to the westward, and if any should escape this pass, another squadron should be stationed without the streight to examine every thing coming into the ocean, whether in mid-channel, or keeping the coast of Barbary, or that of Spain on board. Should they tall in with a convoy, so superior in strength that it would be imprudent to attack it, one frigate might hang on their rear while others made the best of their way to inform the Commander in Chief blockading Brest, and "iso" the Commander in Chief on the Irish Station?" "The last ought frequently to en the SIR, I have read with a considerable degree of satisfaction the concluding part of your last number, in which you recommend that species of unanimity which is eminently desirable at the present juncture an unanimity among the great and leading characters of the age, founded on a sense of the dangers to which we are exposed, and springing from a conviction that a strong, vigorous, and efficient adminiştration is absolutely essential to the preservation of the country. Under the present situation of affairs, it would not be too sanguine to expect, that those statesmen who have proved themselves entitled to that name, should dismiss the habits and forget the raucour of party, and that they should concur in their endeavours to render to their Country and their Sovereign, the greatest service they can perform, by promoting establishment of an administration which might collect the scattered and unguided energy, might arrange and embody the neral patriotism of the country, and might direct with ability, resolution, and vigour, the great, but complicated resources of the Empire. That this is a task which ought not to be entrusted to under-rate abilities is a position that will be very generally admitted, when we consider the condition in which we are placed. After having been indulged in a short, but treacherous repose, having ceded conquest after conquest, after dismantling and disbanding, lulled, moreover, with the soft nepenthe of what was termed " profound peace," we are awakened from our dream, and startled at the grim vision of invasion. The vision, however, partakes more of reality than I could wish, and now assumes a very material form: it assumes a shape to which we must oppose all the energy we can command, which we must combat with all the faculties we possess.; not with premature thanks for anticipated get services, not with encomiums upon ourselves, and invectives against Buonaparté, not with the parade of reviews and the consecration of colours, but with spirit, with steadiness, with discipline in the field, with vigour, with authority and wisdom in the Cabinet. Where are we to discover these latter qualities? Where do we find at the helm of the state that knowledge, that discernment, that commanding ability, which is to direct, inform, and animate the exertions of this great country? Look at the eventful history of this administration; analize its component parts, examine it separately and collectively; mark the effect of that mixture of firmness and conciliation which has been repeated to satiety, and which, if at all observable, is to be remarked only for the perverse misapplication of the ingredients of which it is composed; try it by another touchstone, appeal to America for the estimation in which the administration is there held: have their sagacious conduct and expressions with regard to Louisiana increased the respect of America for this country; appeal to Russia, and ask if our treatment of the unfortunate King of Sardinia will give the Russian Cabinet any favourable idea of the policy with which we treat, or the spirit with which we defend our allies? Ask ministers themselves, appeal to their own words, that they have put into the mouth of his Majesty with the power that is entrusted to them, with the resources committed to their hands, is it sufficient that all our exertions, that the aggregate of our labour, expense, and preparation should be centered in the one thought of repelling invasion? That this is not only to be the limit of our duty (and a more indispensable duty cannot exist), but it is to be the pinnacle of our fame, the acme of our glory. If, therefore, the attempt of invasion be made, and end in discomfiture and disgrace, as I sincerely believe it will, we then have nothing to do, but rend the air with songs of triumph, and bask in the blaze of glory. 1 confess, Sir, that I am unreasonable enough to expect something more; and I could wish that men were at the head of the affairs of this country, who, by taking the soundest and ablest measures of defence at home, might in the course of events be able to enlarge their views of action and scale of hostility, and by posse-sing spirit and capacity, might possibly afford the nations upon the continent of Europe an opportunity of rescuing themselves from disgrace, from slavery and ruin.- -I am, Sir, your very humble Servant, A FREEHOLDER.. TO THE EDITOR. Orford, Nov. 23, 1803. SIR, Impelled by a sense of duty, as well as by an ardent desire of doing justice to a most deserving body of men, who have been grossly insulted and abused by a malevolent writer in your paper, signing himself Philo-Patriæ, I herewith send you a correct statement of the proceedings alluded to in his letter, and request you would insert it in your next Saturday's Register,--As commander of the regiment of Oxford Loyal Volunteers, I judged it expedient to issue an order, forbidding the alteration of any of the regimental arms, accoutrements, or clo thing, without my permission, and having, soon after, occasion to observe, that se veral of the privates, and some of the non-commissioned officers had deviated from it by binding their leather stocks with velvet, (nct as Philo-patriæ asserts, by substituting velvet in lieu of leather) I thought it my duty to issue a second order, in which, after expressing my concern, at having witnessed a breach of the first, I insisted upon a correction of the fault committed, by an immediate removal of the velvet binding It may be right, in this place, to observe, that with a view of accommodating as much as possible the different descriptions of persons enrolled in my regiment, I had established three drills in the day, which divided the regiment into three parts, and I have the satisfaction of saying, that although, the last mentioned order was read at the three parades, it was at one of them only that it produced that irregularity of behaviour, so malevolently exaggerated by Philo-Patriæ. At this parade, however, I cannot deny that several of the privates, particularly of the light infantry company, made use of the expression stated in his letter; but, as soon as such misconduct was reported to me, (for I was not present when it took place,) I addressed, in writing a strong remonstrance upon it to the regiment, in which, I declared my determination of having the order for removing the velvet binding strictly enforced. Upon this remonstrance being read, the individual alluded to, by Phi lo-Patriæ as the ringleader of the distur bance, muttered something expressive of an intention still to wear the prohibited binding; and the adjutant in my absence, immediately observed, that behaviour so unsoldierlike would not fail of bring strongly marked, for the person guilty of it, would probably be removed from the light infantry company, and ballotted in:o one of the bat talion companies as a man whom none would receive by choice. Nothing more passed upon parade at this time, and Philo-Patria's assertion that the light infantry company unanimously declared their resolution of retiring from the corps if the man was punished, I believe to be utterly false.--The next time this portion of the regiment paraded, I took an opportunity of personally addressing the light infantry company, and after pointing out to them in the strongest language I could use, the impropriety of their late conduct, I repeated my determination of having every order issuing from me rigidly enforced; and, I also, addressed my. self to the person charged with being the ringleader, informing him of my intention of expelling him from the regiment as an unworthy and dangerous member. In a few hours after delivering this address, I receiv ed two letters, of which the following are correct copies.——“. Sir D. Mackworth. - The kind concern you have always ex"pressed for the welfare of every individual in the regiment, emboldens me to address " you, and induces me to cherish a hope that you will not with-hold forgiveness "from faults repented of. That I have er"red in my conduct towards you this week "I am now fully sensible, though at the mo"ment, I thought myself justified in acting as I did. I am no sooner convinced of my error, than I feel sorry for it. Should you "persist in your determination of expelling me from the regiment, you will be the "means of rendering me extremely unhappy, "but should your good nature incline you "to milder measures, and lead you to grant the pardon for which I now petition, you "will have the satisfaction of restoring com"fort to a man who will willingly exert "that warmth in your defence which be"trayed him into such conduct as he now "repents of--I am, Sir, your humble ser"vant.-JAMES NOTT SMITH." "Colonel Sir Digby Mackworth,--We "the undersigned members of the light in"fantry company, address you in behalf of "one of our body, who we are sorry to find "has incurred your displeasure. We do not pretend to justify his conduct, being aware that the warmth of the moment has "led him to utter expressions which matu "lieve him from his present disagreeable si tuation. We are too proud, Sir, of the "approbation you have sometimes express"ed of our general behaviour, not to la"ment that it should for a moment suffer "in your estimation: but we flatter our"selves that when the indiscretions of this "week shall cease to operate on your mind, "our conduct will evince that the light in"fantry will not be wanting in respect and "attachment to their officers, or in any of "the duties incumbent on zealous de"fenders of their country.-Signed by 33 "members."- As the foregoing letters do in my opinion reflect high credit on the parties by whom they were written, I have great satisfaction in laying them before the public, who will judge and determine from these documents, and from what I have previously stated, how far the regiment and I are deserving of the stigma attempted to be fixed upon us by a negligent anonymous writer. It is almost unnecessary for me to add, that upon the proofs given of repentance and submission, I readily pardoned the offenders, who having thus returned to a sense of their duty, complied with the order for removing the velvet binding in the strictest manner,--I am, Sir, your humble servant, DIGBY MACKWORTH, COLONEL. O. L. V. PUBLIC PAPERS. TREATY between the United States of America and the French Republic, for the session of Louisiana. concluded at Paris on the 30th April, 1803. The President of the United States of America and the First Consul of the French Republic in the name of the French people, desir ing to remove all source of misunderstanding relative to objects of discussion mentioned in the 2d and 5th articles of the convention of the 8th Vendemiaire, an 9, (30th September, 1800) relative to the rights claimed by the United States, in virtue of the treaty concluded at Madrid the 27th of October, 1795, between his Catholic Majesty and the said United States, and willing to strengthen the union and friendship which at the time of the said convention was happily re-established between the two nations, have respectively named their plenipo tentiaries, to wit, the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said States, Robert R. Living minister plenipotentiary of the United States, and James Monroe, minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary of the said States, near the Government of the French Republic; and the First Consul, in the name of the French people, citizen Francis Barbé Marbuis, minister of the public treasury, who, ston, |