the House will refrain from entering into a protracted debate, which might render it impossible to come to a final resolution before the usual hour of suspending our Sitting. I, myself, have expressed before-and I wish to express again-the painful regret with which my Colleagues and I felt it our duty, or rather our necessity, to give up our Shipping Bill. But I must say this-that I was convinced when we came to that decision that we had no other course. I am not going to impute to hon. Gentlemen opposite any feelings in putting Amendments on the Paper other than those arising from an imperative sense of duty, and I look upon such Amendments generally as evidence of the great interest which the House takes in the question. I believe, too, that very great advantage is gained by those who are responsible for the government of the country, in studying and treating with respect the suggestions of their opponents, who are only performing a Parliamentary duty in making those suggestions. But still, it was the duty of those who are responsible for the conduct of the Public Business to look at the number of Amendments of which Notice had been given, and when I remind the House that on the day when I had the mortification to announce to the House that it was impossible for the Government to proceed with this measure, the number of Amendments on this Bill was 178, and that 140 of them were suggested by hon. Gentlemen opposite, I think the House will acknowledge that on the 22nd of July that was evidence that could not be disregarded in coming to a conclusion on this subject. I shall not stop to allude to the accusations brought against the Government for preferring the conduct of another measure to that of the Merchant Shipping Bill. The Merchant Shipping Bill was not sacrificed in any way to the Agricultural Holdings (England) Bill. If we had resolved to attempt to proceed with the Merchant Shipping Bill, neither of those measures could have been passed. These, however, are controversial questions into which I do not now wish to enter. We have been charged, also, with having introduced a merely temporary measure, and the accusation was, that we ought to have announced our intention when we withdrew the Merchant Shipping Bill. At present, that is an observation that may be made with very great success, even in this House, and it would be, no doubt, triumphantly received at public meetings. But if nothing had happened to stir up the feelings of the country, I should like to know what chance we should have had of passing a temporary Bill? I cannot conceive, and will not attempt to describe, the countenances of hon. Gentlemen opposite if we had made such an announcement; but the Government having been obliged to give up the measure, did not lose sight of the subject. They immediately considered whether it was not possible, under the existing law, which was passed by our Predecessors but which fact will not prevent me from doing justice to its great merit, and the benefits which have accrued from it-whether it was not in our power, under the law of 1873, by increasing our staff, by drawing up new regulations, or by some other means, to effect some improvement in its administration, and obtain the result which we all desired. We felt I will not say the absolute necessity, but the great desirability of some statutory assistance-and we had arrived at that conclusion, especially with the assistance of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who has shown to-day how deeply he is interested in the subject, and how well qualified he is to treat it. But we also felt that it was vain to come down to this House and ask for a short Bill to increase our powers. When, however, this excitement arose, we felt that we could appeal with some advantage to the House. And it is not under the pressure of public opinion, but with the assistance of public opinion that we have introduced this measure. The Vox populi has not coerced us, but has aided us, and it is with the greatest satisfaction that I now see the possibility of passing a measure which I trust will be both salutary and sufficient. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Goschen) treated the measure when it was first introduced as one of very slight proportions, and went out of his way to say that it had already disappointed the expectations held out by me when I first intimated our intention to bring it forward. I entirely adhere to the statement I then made to the House. For myself, I may say that I would not be responsible for the measure if it were to be permanent. | opinion of the Medical Council on the Sir, the right hon. Gentleman now speaks subject of the exclusion of women from in a very different way. He has com- registration as practitioners of medicine, pared the measure to a suspension of and wished to ask, Whether Her Mathe Habeas Corpus, and certainly that is jesty's Government contemplated the a description which hardly agrees with introduction of any measure on the the terms in which he spoke of the Bill subject in the next Session of Parliawhen it was first introduced to the notice ment? He felt that it would be inof the House. But whatever may be its discreet to occupy the time of the character-whatever may be its ultimate House by discussing at length this result, I trust-and indeed know-that grievance; but he must remark that we are all agreed upon one point-there were many young women of culnamely, that we should read the Bill a tivated minds who had been looking second time, and therefore I must point out for a mode of supporting themselves to the clock as showing that there are independently, and who had directed "breakers ahead," and that we must their attention to the profession of medinot lose any time in doing so. I hope, cine, while a large number of female on Monday, we shall go into Committee patients found comfort in the attendance -the most important part of the pro- of doctors of their own sex. At that ceedings on the Bill-and arrive on that moment, there was in London a hospiday at conclusions which will give satis-tal and school of medicine, in which faction to the country. Question put, and agreed to. Bill read a second time, and committed for Monday next. PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. CONSIDERATION OF LORDS AMENDMENTS. Several agreed to; several amended, and agreed to; one disagreed to. Committee appointed, "to draw up Reasons to be assigned to The Lords for disagreeing to the Amendment to which this House hath disagreed: "Mr. SCLATER-BOOTH, Mr. Secretary CROSS, Sir MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH, Mr. CAVENDISH BENTINCK, Mr. CLARE READ, Mr. WILLIAM HENRY SMITH, Mr. WILLIAM HOLMS, Mr. DYKE, and Mr. ROWLAND WINN:-To withdraw immediately; Three to be the quorum. It being now five minutes to Seven of the clock, the House suspended its Sitting. the patients, doctors, and teachers were women. Some of the lady practitioners had passed good examinations, and had degrees from Universities in France and Switzerland, but in the eye of the law they were outlaws. That did not arise from any direct provision in the law itself, but from the action of the Universities, who had, by their regulations about taking degrees, practically excluded women from the register. Under the Medical Act women could be registered; their practical exclusion was due to the Examining Bodies. One lady succeeded in passing the examination of the Society of Apothecaries; but when it was found that there was one licentiate in petticoats, the Society altered its rules so that no woman could henceforth receive its licence. Women being thus practically excluded from the register, though not excluded by the law, the Lord President of the Council had exercised a wise discretion in asking the General The House resumed its Sitting at Medical Council, who represented the Nine of the clock. higher states of the medical profession, what should be done?-and he was glad to say that the Council made a suggestion which seemed very practical. They proposed not to interfere in any way with the existing examinations, or the existing studies, but that a new and special examination should be provided for female students who might wish to prove their competence for admission to the register. While the examination and the teaching would be distinct, both would be equal in quality to that which existed for men. This would give a legal power of practising to women who had passed the proper examinations, and the medical profession would then be no longer open to the charge of opposing a legitimate demand on the part of women for the purpose of preserving a monopoly to their own sex. He trusted that the Government, now that a new phase of the subject had been entered upon, would pursue the course which they had so judiciously taken up, and that in the next Session of Parliament they would propose some legislation, and relieve him of the duty of introducing another Bill to open the doors of the medical profession to such women as might undoubtedly be compe tent. VISCOUNT SANDON said, that any observations which fall from his right hon. Friend the Member for South Hampshire in reference to medical examinations of women in this country must have great weight, as it was his action that led to the formation of the General Medical Council, which everybody agreed was now a most important body of medical practitioners in this country. He agreed with his right hon. Friend that it would be undesirable to raise on the present occasion a general discussion respecting the admission of women into the medical profession. For the first time, since the present Government came into office, this subject was brought under the notice of the House at the beginning of this Session. They felt it desirable, before forming any opinion upon it, to refer it to the consideration of the General Medical Council, which was one of the most distinguished Bodies of the United Kingdom, being composed of eminent medical men in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and also representing the Universities. When, therefore, the right hon. Gentlemen the Members for Hampshire and Halifax brought the subject forward, Her Majesty's Government thought to would be better to get the impartial opinion of the General Medical Council with regard to it. That body, however, assembled only once a-year, but the matter was referred to it at the annual meeting in the month of June. They went into it with great care. Some of the most distinguished members of the Council took part in the debates, which lasted two or three days, and after a full and careful consideration of the question they addressed a letter to the Lord President of the Council. At this late period of the Session they did not feel themselves to be in a position to consider this important subject, but they would give it their best attention, and next Session they would be prepared to state whether, in their judgment, legislation was desirable or not. The Government felt the country had a right to know next Session what course they intended to pursue, and whether they would move in the matter themselves or leave the subject to be dealt with by an independent Member. MR. RUSSELL GURNEY thought the Government had adopted the best course in consulting the General Medical Council, and was glad to find that body, after long and anxious consideration, had expressed a decided opinion that women ought no longer to be excluded from the profession. After such a declaration one would hardly imagine that the existing state of things could remain unaltered. MR. LYON PLAYFAIR asked, whether the Government would lay upon the Table of the House the correspondence which had passed between them and the General Medical Council on the subject? VISCOUNT SANDON said, he should be most happy to do so, because he thought it very desirable that the House should have full information upon it. THE INDIAN ARMY-CASE OF CAPTAIN CHATTERTON. OBSERVATIONS. SIR THOMAS CHAMBERS, on rising to call attention to the case of Captain J. Balsir Chatterton, with the object of an inquiry being instituted into it, said, that gentleman, a perfect stranger to himself, belonged to the Indian Army. He was engaged in active warfare during the Indian Mutiny. Being wounded and carried to the rear in November, 1857, he was exposed to the night air and the cold. This originated a form of rheumatism well known in India, called muscular rheumatism. This disease came on at intervals; its progress was often very slow indeed, but it was of a lamentable character, and hopelessly crippled those who could not be cured of it. During a visit he (Sir Thomas Chambers) lately paid to the Hospital for Incurables at Putney, | wrong. Under these circumstances, it he found that a large number of the in- was the duty of the Government to mates were suffering from muscular either make a complete answer to the rheumatism. Captain Chatterton had a case if they could, or else confess that a severe attack in 1862 which obliged serious wrong had been done to this him to relinquish duty for a time. For gentleman. He (Sir Thomas Chambers) this he was reported; a court-martial was not a soldier himself—and he was was held in his absence; and, on the glad of it-he was only a lawyer; but, evidence, he was found guilty of malin- so far as he could see, the grievance gering or shirking his duty. When the he had brought under the notice of the sentence was read out to him at his House was a substantial one, and one bedside, he emphatically denied that he which, at any rate, justified an inquiry was malingering, and said he was then being made into the circumstances of suffering from excruciating rheumatism. the case in order that the truth might He was carried from Benares to Calcutta be arrived at. in his bed, and examined by the principal medical men there and four Presidency surgeons; they certified to the Indian Government that he was suffering from muscular rheumatism, and was unable to discharge his duty in consequence. Previously to the court-martial neither the surgeon nor the assistant-surgeon of the regiment examined him, though they said he was suffering from nervous irritability caused by indulgence. He came to England, and on his arrival the certificate of Sir William Fergusson and Mr. Canton stated that Captain Chatterton's inability to perform his duties was caused by his suffering from acute muscular rheumatism. Assuming that certificate to be a well-founded statement, it was a slander upon Captain Chatterton to assert that his inability was caused by his having lived too freely; but that had been asserted, and an order was sent from the Home Government to India that he should be put on half-pay; but he could not get even that until he reached England. He had undergone 13 surgical operations, and had incurred great expense in travelling for and obtaining surgical advice. He came to Europe for such advice, and some of the most eminent surgeons in Italy, France, and England were consulted by him. He was advised that if he would return to the warmer climate of India he might obtain some relief for his sufferings, and he accordingly returned to Calcutta, but he was soon turned out of the Calcutta hospital into the street. Now, the question was, which side told the truth? He (Sir Thomas Chambers) maintained that it was proved beyond a doubt that Captain Chatterton was suffering from rheumatism now, and had suffered from it in 1862, and therefore the verdict of the court-martial was GENERAL SIR GEORGE BALFOUR said, he had always stood up in defence of his fellow-officers when he thought they had just cause of complaint on any ground; but, on the present occasion, he was far from thinking that any such ground had been made out. The facts of the case, as far as he knew themand he had taken some pains to inquire into the matter-led him to think that, instead of being placed on half-pay, Captain Chatterton ought to have been required to leave the service long ago. He deeply regretted that the hon. and learned Member should have been induced to bring before the House this case of an officer who had been accused of malingering, a crime which, in the Army, was even worse than cowardice. It would be far better for a man to be in his grave than have so disgraceful a title. In the whole of his own experience in India he had never met with a single case of malingering. The hon. and learned Member had stated that this officer was wounded in India. The fact, however, seemed to be that he was simply carried to the rear among the wounded. Seven years after his trial he was, in 1869, again accused of malingering, and then removed from the Service; and now certain officers were maligned. The case was, therefore, one which ought not to have been brought before Parliament. He ventured to suggest to the Government that it would be better to allow cases of this kind to be dealt with by courts-martial in India than to follow the slow and cumbrous process now in existence. LORD GEORGE HAMILTON said, that, of course, hon. Members had a perfect right to bring forward Motions of this kind for inquiry; but he submitted that before doing so, they should THE SUGAR CONVENTION, 1864. OBSERVATIONS. make themselves acquainted with the | years, and without a particle of evidence facts of the case which they undertook to justify such a proceeding, the position to advocate. He regretted that the hon. of those gentlemen would become inand learned Member for Marylebone tolerable. If the inquiry now asked for had not done so in this case, for after were granted, it would afford an opporthe statement the hon. and learned tunity for making charges against a Member had made, it would be neces- large number of officers in the Indian sary for him (Lord George Hamilton) to Service who had rendered good service rake up certain facts, which both for the to the country, which Captain Chatterton character of the person involved and had not, when no ground whatever had the honour of the Service, had much been offered to the House for adopting better have remained unknown to the such a course. public. This officer never was tried for malingering. The facts of the present case were that Lieutenant Chatterton, who joined the Army in 1857, was tried by a general court-martial in 1862 for conduct unbecoming the character of an officer and prejudicial to good order and military discipline in that, at Benares, he rendered himself unfit for duty by excessive indulgence in intoxicating drinks. The evidence was very clear against the offender, and of the two witnesses called for the defence one said that Lieutenant Chatterton was not so drunk as to be unfit for duty, and the other was unable to give much stronger testimony in his favour. Lord Strathnairn, then Commander of the Forces in India, approved of the finding, and on a subsequent occasion, when Captain Chatterton sent in a memorial, the sentence, on inquiry made, was confirmed. Lord Sandhurst succeeded Lord Strathnairn in the command of the Forces, and he was inclined to take a more lenient view of the case. The charge and the evidence were therefore carefully considered by him, and subsequently sent home for the opinion of His Royal Highness the Commander-inChief, and also confirmed by him. He (Lord George Hamilton) held in his hand a letter written by Lord Sandhurst, dated the 5th of January, 1869, in which he stated that this officer was totally unfit to be in the Service. There was not one item of evidence which the hon. and learned Gentleman had been able to adduce that could afford ground upon which to upset the verdict of the courtmartial, if that was his object; and if it was not, he did not understand what case he had, since Captain Chatterton himself applied more than once to be allowed to retire from Indian Service. If the conduct of Army medical officers was to be made subject to examination and inquiry at a distance of 10 or 15 MR. RITCHIE, in proceeding to call attention to the constant delays interposed by France in carrying out the Sugar Convention of 1864, and in fulfilling assurances repeatedly made to this country on the subject, said, his object was not to complain of the action of Her Majesty's Government, as represented by the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Office, or the hon. Gentleman who so successfully represented that Office in this House-for they had apparently done all that lay in their power for the best-but to strengthen their hands in any further representations they might make to induce the French Government to carry out their engagements. The question was one of great commercial importance to this country, as the House would see when he stated that the quantity of sugar refined annually amounted to 650,000 tons, and was of the value of from £15,000,000 to £20,000,000 sterling. Until within a few years past the English sugar refining trade had been growing and prosperous, but it had now fallen into decline. decline was not owing to any want of skill or of enterprize on the part of the refiners, but to the unfair competition which France was enabled to carry on by the system of bounties. The duty was levied in France not on the sugar refined, but on the quantity of raw sugar that went into the refiners' houses, which was supposed to make a certain yield of refined sugar, and that supposed yield was charged. It was important, therefore, that that yield should be exactly ascertained. He could show from the admission of the French themselves that the actual yield was greater by 10 per cent than the estimated yield. The French refiner thus paid no duty on That |