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When the report of the Address was brought up on the following day, some conversation occurred respecting the burthens and distresses of the people; and Mr. Bring, from his knowledge of commerce, made soine observations calling in question the favourable view of public prosperity held forth in the speech: the address, however, passed with out opposition.

The several treaties and conventions of the past year were then laid before parliament. They formed a very voluminous collection, of which a summary will be found under the head of State Papers.

On Feb. 5th, Lord Castlereagh rose in pursuance of notice to call the attention of the House of Commons to the propriety of adopting some signal mode of expressing the national gratitude to the navy for the great services performed by it during the late war; and he concluded a preliminary speech by moving an address to the Prince Regent, requesting that he would be pleased to give directions that a national monument be erected in honour of the ever-memorable victory of Trafalgar, and to commemorate the fame of Lord Nelson and the other officers, seamen, &c. who died gloriously in their country's cause on that occasion.

This motion, obviously supplementary to that which had conferred so much honour on the army by a resolution for a magnificent monument to record the battle of Waterloo, brought on a conversation in which, with a general concurrence in the intention, it appeared that opinions

were by no means uniform as to the best mode of bringing it to effect. The motion, however, was carried unanimously.

Of several preparatory motions for future proceedings it is not necessary, to take notice; but a motion by Mr. Brougham on Feb. 9th, referred to so singular an occurrence in general politics, that although it had no public result, the record of it will be interesting as a matter of history. The hon. member rose, to move for the production of a copy of the treaty concluded at Paris on Sept. 26th, between Austria, Russia, and Prussia. By the tenor of this treaty, expressed in the most devout and solemn language, the three potentates, members of three different Christian churches, declared in the face of the world their resolution both in the administration of their own states, and in their political relations with other governments, to take for their sole guide the precepts of the holy religion taught by our Saviour. In consequence, they signed an agreement to three articles, the first of which bound them to a fraternity of mutual friendship and assistance, and the common protection of religion, peace, and justice; which in the second was explained in a kind of mystical strain, to notify that they regarded themselves as delegated by Providence to govern three branches of one and the same Christian nation, of which the Divine Being under his three characters was the sole real sovereign; and the third declared a readiness to receive into this holy alliance all the powers who should solemnly ayow the sacred [B 2] principles

principles which had dictated

it.

Politicians were much at a loss to conceive the occasion and purpose of a treaty, at the same time so serious and so indefinite, which appeared to bind the subscribers to nothing more than to act upon those general principles which, as Christian princes, they had always held forth as the rule of their conduct. It was understood that its immediate cause was an impression made upon the mind of the emperor Alexander, whose peculiar zeal in the project was displayed by a manifesto issued on Christmas day, and signed by his own hand, in which he made public the engagement which the three powers had entered into, and which he interpreted to be a reciprocal league of peace and amity upon Christian principles for the general good.

Mr. Brougham prefaced his motion with reasons why he thought it material that inquiry should be made respecting the above treaty; instancing the circumstances of its having been contracted by three powers, our allies, without our participation; of its having received the signatures of the sovereigns themselves, whereas all other treaties had been ratified by the medium of diplomatic agents; of being apparently uncalled for, since the attachment of the contracting powers to the Christian religion had never been questioned. He adverted to the union of the same powers for the partition of Poland, on which occasion the empress Catharine had employed in her proclamations language similar to that of the treaty. He concluded by moving

an address to the Prince Regent, that he would be pleased to give directions that a copy of the treaty should be laid before the House.

Lord Castlereagh, who had previously admitted the authenticity of the document moved for, after adducing, from the result of the preceding union of these sovereigns, arguments against regarding them with suspicion, informcd the hon. gentleman, that instead of any secrecy in their proceedings on the present occasion, the emperor of Russia had communicated to him a draft of the purposed treaty, he believed, before it had been communicated to the other sovereigns; and that after its signature, a joint letter had been addressed by them to the Prince Regent, stating the grounds on which it had been concluded, and anxiously desiring his accession to it that his Royal Highness in reply had expressed his satisfaction at the nature of the treaty, and his assurance that the British government would not be the one least disposed to act up to its principles. His lordship then went into a panegyric of the emperor of Russia; and finally characterised the motion as wholly unnecessary, and of dangerous tendency if the confederacy could be shaken by attempts to degrade the sovereigns of Europe by unfounded imputations.

On a division of the House, the motion was rejected by a majority of 104 to 30.

The public opinion concerning this extraordinary treaty, seems to have corresponded with that expressed by the hon. Mr. Bennet in his speech; "that the only

motive which the noble lord could have for refusing its production was, that he was ashamed of it and of our allies."

Mr. Brougham next moved for an address to the Prince Regent, requesting a copy of a treaty between Austria, France, and Great Britain, signed at Vienna in January 1815.

Lord Castlereagh, in stating his objections to the production of this treaty, alluded to it as one which, being intended to be carried into execution only in certain conjunctures which never happened, and parliament never having been called upon to support the executive power in making good its engagements, it might be considered in the nature of an unfinished transaction, a mere historical fact, which could have no influence on our actual affairs.

It appearing on the further discussion of the question, that this was a treaty from which Russia, represented as our most faithful ally, was excluded, Lord Castlereagh endeavoured to divert further inquiry by saying, that not three months afterwards, there was evinced the most cordial concert and co-operation among the allies; and that if, as the gentlemen in opposition `maintained, there existed dis-union at one time, reciprocal confidence had subsequently been restored.

In answer to this observation, Mr. Tierney said, that the allied powers did certainly unite against their common enemy, Buonaparte; but what he wanted to know was, how they were affected to each other, when this common enemy was supposed to be no

more. The noble lord had not denied that a treaty was actually signed with France and Austria, without the participation of Russia, and, he believed, of Prussia, and to which he was himself a contracting party. The House ought to be put in possession of the document. If the noble lord could show that the causes which gave birth to the treaty of January 1815 no longer existed, it would be well; otherwise it would be impossible for him to believe, that there was a cordial community of feeling among the allies.

This transaction, however, was still kept a state secret, for the motion was negatived by 92 votes against 25.

On Feb. 12th, the House of Commons sitting in a committee of supply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced that important subject, his Financial Exposition. He began with a brief explanation of the vote with which he intended to conclude, the purpose of which was to provide for the payment of different outstanding exchequer bills, the amount of which he stated, for the year 1814 and 1815, at 35,600,000l. He then proceeded to make some general, observations as to the probable extent of the supply, and the ways and means to meet that supply. Beginning with a statement of the different branches of revenue, he gave an amount of 66,443,8021. for the year 1815, exceeding by more than a million that of 1814, which itself was greater than that of any former year. In the application of this sum, 21 millions had been employed in the payment of arrears, by which the

whole

whole unfunded debt had been proceeded to a summary of the brought down from upwards of principal heads of the public ex644 millions to 47,700,000. He penditure for the present year. then took into consideration the He began with remarking, that commercial state of the country, he wished hot to be understood respecting which he said he could as laying down the outlines of a only give a statement of our ex- permanent peace establishment, portation for the three quarters as he was confident that he could ending October 10th, 1815, the point out in future years reduclatest period to which the ac- tions to the amount of several counts had been made up. Of millions; and no one could be these the amount was 42,425,357, surprised, that in the first year an increase of about 54 millions after so long and extensive a war, beyond the parallel period of it was impossible to carry all 1814. This prosperous situation those retrenchments into immedid not prevent our labouring diate effect. There would be on under temporary embarrassments, that night a vote proposed for which he attributed chiefly to the 33,000 seamen, which was 10,000 depreciation of agricultural pro- more than were contemplated for duce; and he then proceeded to a peace establishment; and the the remedies which he had to whole expense for that departpropose, of which there were two ment was stated at seven millions. classes; a diminution of taxa- With respect to the army, he did tion, and a 'system of measures hot intend to propose a vote for for the support of public credit. that service at present, but he The tendency of the Chancellor's would give a general view of the reasoning upon this subject in subject. The following were the general went to show, that the principal heads: forces for home public distresses would be much service, including Guernsey and more effectually relieved by ab- Jersey, 25,000; for Ireland, an staining from borrowing money equal number; and for the relief in the present year, and, on the of garrisons abroad 3,000: for the contrary, relieving the stocks by garrisons of Gibraltar, Malta, and the operation of the sinking fund, the Ionian isles, 11,000 : for than by a great diminution of America 10,000 for the West taxation. Government did not, Indies, 13,000: for the Cape of however, propose to omit the Good Hope, the Mauritius, Ceylatter relief to a certain extent; lon, St. Helena, &c. 12,000 and a reduction of the property- the whole, upon the British and tax to five per cent. would imme- Irish establishments, 99,000. The diately take off seven millions of force serving in France for a taxes, of which sum the share of limited time was stated at 30,000, four millions would fall to the the expense of which, however, agricultural interest, which he was to be defrayed out of the also hoped further to relieve by contributions of the French gothe remission of other taxes to vernment, which had hitherto the amount of one million. been punctually paid. He beThe right hon. gentleman next lieved, that in point of law, these

on

con

contributions were of the same nature with the droits of the crown, and became the personal property of the sovereign; but the Prince Regent had determined, that it should be applied solely to the public service, with the exception of a donation to the army of the Duke of Wellington as prize-money, estimated at one million. For the 20,000 forces in India, the Company was to provide. The whole amount of the military charges for the year, including ordnance and miscellaneous service, was stated at 29,398,000l. from which was to be deducted the Irish proportion of 21 millions.

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The ways and means by which it was proposed to meet this expenditure were the concluding subject of the Chancellor's speech; and he began with a very novel and satisfactory item,' namely a surplus of three millions remaining of the unapplied grants of the preceding year, applicable to the service of the present year. The next was of the consolidated fund, which he estimated at 2 millions. The ordinary annual taxes he took at 3 millions, and said that he intended to propose the prolongation of some of the war taxes on customs and excise. The next items were a 5 per cent. property tax estimated at 6 millions, and a lottery at 200,0001. The last article was an advance of 6 millions from the Bank, at the interest of 4 per cent., of which, however, 14 million was to be deducted for the re-payment of a former advance. The total amount of ways and means he therefore stated at 26,700,0001.

Having concluded his general exposition, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the sum of 16,024,1001. be granted for the discharge of outstanding exchequer bills.

In the discussions which ensued, and in which many members on both sides took a part, a variety of topics was entered upon, particularly those of the income tax, and the peace establishment of the army; but these being afterwards directly made the subject of debate, the notice of them will be reserved to the proper occasion. The resolutions now moved, were put from the chair and agreed to.

The alarm excited by announcing a proposed continuance of the property tax was now beginning to operate; and the city of London commenced an opposition by presenting to parliament, on Feb. 13th, two petitions against the tax, one from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, the other from the Lord Mayor and Liverymen, both expressed in strong language respecting the odious and inquisitorial nature of the tax.

On the resumption of the committee of supply, the financial plan of the Chancellor of the Exchequer underwent attack, and the subjects of the propertytax, and the military establishment, were again brought into debate; the second resolutions were however passed. On a motion from Mr. Horner, acquiesced in by the minister, an address was ordered to be presented to the Prince Regent, praying, that he would order to be laid before the House, a copy of any agreement entered into by the allied

powers,

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