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shortly move for some papers. He also declared, that he would undoubtedly bring forward his promised measure early in the

next session.

The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

Lord Grenville, who had moved for certain papers connected with the registry of slaves in the colonies, which, he understood, were soon to be laid on the table of the House of Lords, gave notice on May 30th, of his intention, early in the next session, to sub. mit to their lordships some proposition on this head.

The papers moved for having been laid before both Houses of Parliament, Mr. Wilberforce, on June 19th, rose, and began his speech by saying, that although he had yielded to the noble lord's recommendation of deferring the question of negro slavery, yet, that the subject appearing to him now to stand upon different grounds, he thought it of the greatest importance, that there should be every possible degree of information, and felt it his duty to state some of the principles, which the House having adopted, it seemed necessary to carry into effeet. In proceeding to this consideration, he would show what was the condition of a gre at part of the slaves in the West Indies; and that this was not as it ought to be was evident, from the circumstance of their not increasing in number. The latest accounts from Jamaica, where they were in general the best treated, admitted that great numbers were lost every year, from the circumstances of their being under-fed and over-worked.

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The hon. member then adverted to some of the plans that had formerly been suggested for meliorating their condition; but, said he, the friends of the abolition had been satisfied with that general measure. The only thing he regretted was, that it was not immediately followed by a gistry bill. It had been objected, that they had changed their ground, and were now aiming at emancipation, a cry which had been raised from the first exertions in favour of the negroes; but it could be proved, that they had always regarded the slaves as incapable of liberty at present, and hoped that a change might take place by degrees, as the natural result of the abolition.

Mr. W. then took notice of a charge made against the registry bill, that it had been the cause of the late insurrection; and he gave reasons for attributing it to the irritation excited among the negroes by the violent language of the planters, when speaking on the measure of registering. He proceeded to state the probability of the smuggling of slaves into the islands, in opposition to the present declarations of the colonists; and made some remarks on the Jamaica report of the state of negro population for a number of years, to justify this suspicion. In fine, he concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, that he will be pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House the titles and dates of any acts of the assembly of Jamaica, transmitted for his Majesty's approbation, by which any poll-tax on slaves was

imposed,

imposed, for the years 1808, 9, 10, 11, and 12, or any of those years, or by which any returns of slaves were required to be made in the said years, for the purpose of such taxation, or otherwise; specifying at what time or times such returns were directed to be made."

Mr. C. N. Palmer, rising as the advocate of the planters, said, that if he had entertained any doubt, whether the House should prefer, to an address for information, the duty of removing an existing agitation, the speech which had just been heard, and which appeared to him only calculated to increase an irritation, which all persons, he should have hoped, would have wished to allay, would have removed that doubt. He then entered into a general narrative of the situation of the colonies, followed by a particular account of the insurrection, in which he brought facts to prove, that it arose from the expectations among the slaves of entire emancipation, fostered by the proposed registry bill. He quoted several passages from the Report of the African institution, and other publications, to confirm this opinion, and solemnly assured the House, that the colonies were at present in a state of great danger; and he concluded with moving an amendment of the hon. gentleman's proposed address, which was leaving out the whole, and substituting the following:

"That an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, praying, that he will be pleased to cause communications to be made to the governors of the several

islands in the West Indies, signifying his Royal Highness's pleasure, that they do take immediate measures to proclaim throughout the colonies, which they respectively govern, his R. Highness's highest displeasure at the daring insurrection which has lately taken place in the island of Barbadoes; to declare in the most public manner his R. Highness's concern and surprize at the false and mischievous opinion, which appears to have prevailed in some of the British colonies, that either his R. Highness or the British parliament had sent out orders for the emancipation of the negroes; and humbly to request his R. Highness, that while his R. Highness directs the most effectual measures to be adopted, for discountenancing these unfounded and dangerous impressions, his R. Highness would also graciously be pleased to recommend, in the strongest manner, to the local authorities in the respective colonies, to carry into effect every measure which may tend to promote the moral and religious improvement, as well as the comfort and happiness, of the negroes."

Mr. Barham said, that although it was his intention to vote for the amendment, yet in his opinion it fell short of what was called for by the occasion, and what the mover would have been supported in proposing, by the present feeling of the House. The honourable gentleman then went into a large and severe censure of the charges which had lately been brought against the colonists, to which he chiefly attributed the late calamitous events,

events, and which, he said, had thrown parties to an irreconcilable distance, whereby all the good that might have been obtained by co-operation was lost for ever.

It would occupy too much space in our work to attempt giving a summary of a debate continued to a great length by different speakers; but the matter of which was little more than repetition of the topics opened in the motions and observations contained in the above extracts. The conclusion was that Mr. Palmer's address was agreed to, nem. con.; that Mr. Wilberforce having produced again the motion he had withdrawn, it was agreed to; as was likewise a motion by Mr. Canning, for a copy of the report of the assembly of Jamaica.

In the House of Lords, Lord Holland, on June 27th, made a motion for an address, nearly in the same words as that adopted by the House of Commons, but with a brief addition relative to the negroes. The words were, "to make every necessary provision against any violation of the abolition acts, under the facilities which may be afforded by the restoration of peace." The address was unanimously agreed to.

It may be mentioned, that there appeared a pretty general opinion, that it would be best to leave the measure of registry to the colonial authorities, without the interference of the British legislature, unless they should fail in their co-operation.

On July 2d, the session of parliament was terminated by a

speech delivered by the Prince Regent in person. After referring to the marriage of the Princess Charlotte with the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, and the Royal consent given to an union between his Majesty's daughter, the Princess Mary, and the Duke of Gloucester, his Royal Highness mentioned the assurances he had received from all the powers engaged in the late war of their pacific and friendly dispositions, and their resolution to execute inviolably the terms of the treaties entered into. Touching upon the arrangements adopted for discharging the incumbrances of the civil list, the greatest satisfaction was expressed with them, and an assurance given that, on the part of his Royal Highness, nothing should be wanting to bring them to full effect. The consolidation of the revenues of Great Britain was then mentioned with approbation. The measures to which his R. Highness had been under the necessity of resorting, for suppressing the tumults which had unfortunately occurred in some parts of the kingdom, were said to have been productive of the most salutary effects; and whilst deep regret was expressed at the distresses which circumstances, at the close of a long war, had unavoidably entailed on many classes of his Majesty's subjects, a confident reliance was declared on their public spirit and fortitude in sustaining difficulties, which, it was hoped, would be found to have arisen from causes of a temporary nature,

CHAPTER

CHAPTER VIII.

Domestic Events.—Calamitous state of Europe in general, and its Cause. -Distresses of Great Britain.-Agricultural Distress, changing into that proceeding from a bad Harvest.—Discontents among the inferior Classes.-Disturbances in the Eastern Counties, particularly Cambridgeshire.-Sufferings among the Manufacturers.-Iron Manufactories.-Staffordshire.-South Wales.—Spitalfields.—Meetings for Petitioning.-Daring Riot in London.-Condition of Ireland.-Marriages in the Royal Family.

TH

HAT the first year after the restoration of general peace should have been characterised in this country, as that of a more widely-extended distress than its annals can for a long period exhibit, must doubtless have occasioned as much surprize as disappointment, in the greater part of the nation. This calamitous state of things must have been wholly unforeseen by those who direct its councils, if an inference may be drawn from that clause in the speech with which the Prince Regent opened the session of parliament, in which that assembly is informed, that "the manufactures, commerce, and revenue of the United Kingdom are in a flourishing condition;" for it cannot be supposed that deception, in so important a concern, would have been attempted for the purpose of obtaining a complimentary address. Yet the impending evils took their origin from sources so obvious to the view of every statesman, that we may wonder at any self-flattery, which could spread over them a momentary veil. In

cause

fact, the distresses of Great Britain have been contemporaneous with at least equal distresses in every part of Europe; and as such general consequences must have proceeded from a operating alike on all, it is impossible not to recognize as that universal cause a war of twentyfive years, in the baneful effects of which every European state has participated. Its operation was indeed somewhat different in different countries; but all were plunged in the same misfortunes of ruinous expenses, wasted finances, heavy public debts, and immoderate imposts. The condition of England was so far peculiar that, by means of her insular situation, she enjoyed a happy exemption from war upon her own territories; whilst, by her triumphant fleets, she was enabled to carry on an intercourse with every part of the world, whence she was not excluded by force of arms. By means of this commercial monopoly, and a much increased demand for many articles required by the wants of war itself, she long felt little other pressure

pressure than that of augmented taxation, which seemed counterbalanced by the increase of the public revenues.

But when these advantages were cut off by the peace, and Great Britain hoped to retrieve herself, by resorting to her usual customers on the Continent, she found them immersed in general poverty, and all eager to supply their wants by the exertions of their own industry. British manufactures, therefore, which, by the improvements of mechanical ingenuity, had been accumulated to a vast amount in the merchants' warehouses, found no regular demand, but were forced by speculation into foreign markets, where they could obtain a sale only at prices much below the prime cost. In consequence, the manufacturers found it necessary, either entirely to suspend, or greatly to reduce, the fabrication of their goods; whence a number of workmen in almost every branch became destitute of employment, and were plunged into severe distress.

Such is the deep-rooted cause of a calamity, too widely diffused to admit of effectual relief from partial measures, and which demands a remedy applicable to the circumstances, not of one country only, but of all which have formed a part of the same system of policy. Europe required a breathing time, of a continuance proportioned to her past toils and sufferings. What her future condition will be, is matter of conjecture; but it is obvious, that the spirit of internal improvement, and productive industry, is become so general in

its states, that no one nation must hereafter expect exclusive commercial advantages; and if England may still hope to maintain her superiority as a manufactur ing country, it must be by supporting a relative superiority in skill, knowledge, and enterprize.

After these general observations, we proceed to the particulars belonging to this chapter.

The domestic distress which principally engaged the public attention in the early part of this year, was that of the agricultural portion of the community. The subject had occupied a large share of the deliberations of the preceding session of parliament; and it continued to employ the cares of a sitting committee in the House of Commons, which received voluminous reports of facts and opinions from every part of the kingdom. In our narrative of parliamentary transactions will be found notices of the principal discussions relative to this matter, together with a set of resolutions offered for legislative consideration, by the county member who appears to have taken the lead as the patron of the agricultural interest. From their tenor it will be perceived that, the fact being assumed, that the present state of agriculture in the kingdom was such as to afford the expectation of a superfluity in the regular supply of the necessaries of life from our own growth, the object was to prevent their depreciation by the importation of foreign supplies. It was therefore proposed to repeal that clause in the corn bill of the last year, which permitted the warehousing of foreign grain, duty free. Fortu

nately,

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