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House to consider whether it was separate claims, due notice of which wise for them to interfere in mea- should be given to the clerks of sures affecting the representation the unions. These persons would of the people. He supported the thus make their claim, and, as in Bill, because it would place the England, if no objection were made franchise on a basis consistent with to their qualification, their names the constitution of the country, by would be introduced upon the list. making it dependent on the pay- After considerable discussion, in ment of local taxes.

which the Marquess of Lansdowne, The Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, Lord Monteagle, and after the opinions he had heard Lord Eddisbury opposed the expressed, could not doubt that an amendment, while Lord Brougham, 81. franchise was too low; and Lord Redesdale, and the Earl of though he had, from respect to the Glengall supported it, their Lordother House, submitted that pro- ships divided, when the numbers posal to their consideration, he should now consent that this pro- For the Amendment 53 vision should be negatived.

Against it

39 Their Lordships then divided upon Lord Desart's amendment for Majority against Minissubstituting a 151. qualification,


14 which was carried against Ministers A conversation then ensued, the by a majority of 72 to 50.

result of which was understood to Another important victory over be that the Government did not the Government was obtained by propose to ask their Lordships to Lord Stanley upon an amendment reverse, on the report or third readmoved by him upon the 16th sec- ing, the decisions which had been tion, enacting that clerks of the come to in Committee, and that the peace in counties should prepare remaining stages of the Bill would the lists of persons registered. be taken the following week, withLord Stanley moved as an amend- out any opposition on the part of ment, that the clerk of the peace Lord Stanley. should prepare a list of the names This understanding being acted upon the existing register, and upon, the Bill in its altered shape transmit it to the clerks of the passed the third reading, and came unions, having excluded from the down again to the House of Comregister all persons whose franchise mons for consideration of the depended upon occupation. That amendments on the 31st of July. he should also send a second list Lord J. Russell said, the first quesof persons whose franchise de- tion upon these amendments was pended upon occupation, and who, as to the alteration made in the if they were not rated to a certain amount of rating, from 81. to 151., amount, wonld be liable to be which would reduce the number of struck off the register; and that electors from 264,000 to 144,000. the clerk of the union should not This appeared to him a very serious be called upon to introduce any alteration, and he proposed to subnew names upon the register, but stitute 121. for 151., which would that it should be left to persons give 172,000 electors. Another desiring to have their names placed alteration, to which he attached upon the register to make their greater importance, affected the principle of the Bill, which, instead it did not content the people of of requiring a claim for registra- Ireland, it would not prevent a tion, had proposed that the rate- further extension of the franchise. book should be a self-acting regis- Mr. M Cullagh strenuously opter. He moved to disagree with posed the Lords' amendments, as that alteration altogether. The well as the proposition of the Goother amendments he did not ob- vernment, which was supported by ject to.

Mr. M. O'Connell and Mr. Sheil. Mr. Gaskell supported the Mr. Disraeli, in the course of amendments of the Lords, and some observations upon the meamoved that the amount be 151. sure, charged the Lord President instead of 121.

of the Council in the other House Several Irish Members approved with giving the Bill a stab in the of the course proposed by Lord J. back. Russell.

Sir G. Grey defended Lord Mr. Moore spoke strongly against Lansdowne, whose conduct with the amendments of the Lords, and reference to this Bill, he said, had against the conduct of the Govern- been misrepresented. ment in respect to this measure. Upon a division, the propositions

Mr. Bright, with much visacityof Lord J. Russell were affirmed attacked the First Minister, whom by considerable majorities. he accused of undue deference to Finally, the alterations made by the other House.

the Commons were brought before Lord J. Russell defended him- the Lords for adoption or rejection self with animation, and charged on the 6th August; on that occaMr. Bright in turn with apparent- sion, the Marquess of Lansdowne, ly desiring one absolute democratic in a conciliatory tone, urged various assembly, suffering no barrier to

reasons for accepting the modificaits will, and no opposition to its tion of the franchise made by the decrees, to which all estates and other House, and for conceding the constituted bodies were to bow. restoration of the registration The sum of good enjoyed under clauses as there agreed upon. The our present system, he observed, Commons, he said, had yielded to was so great, our institutions were three amendments proposed by the so valuable, and their fruits so pre- Lords, while they demanded assent cious, compared with other forms to the compromise of a 121. franof government, that he was notchise. With regard to the regiswilling to change our present con- tration amendments of the Lords, stitution for any scheme which Mr. they certainly were in contraven. Bright might propose. Lord John tion to the spirit of the Bill. referred to the policy he had pur- Lord Stanley urged the Peers sued in various public measures, to to insist on their own amendments, show that great good might be ef- and he made a sharp attack on fected by concession and compro- the Roman Catholic priesthood in mise, instead of bluntly saying, Mayo for their interference in “Here is my measure; I will the late elections.

It is a scanlisten to no change, and will rather dal,” said the noble Lord,“ upon run the risk of a collision between any system of representation, and the two Houses of Parliament.” the gentleman who has been reIn the present case the Bill was turned to sit in Parliament rea practical good, and if, as altered, presents nothing of the property


--nothing of the real opinion of one, he proceeded, could deny, on the owners, and, I may also say, of general principles, that when two the occupiers of the soil, but re- countries were united, there ought presents merely the dictation and to be but a single administration, opinions of Archbishop M'Hale and and this had been the decided opihis subordinate clergy. My Lords, nion of Lord Somers at the time of when, in a case like that of Mayo, the Scottish union. But at the you perceive the enormous extent time of the union with Ireland, of power used by the priests, you temporary objections existed to ought to be the more cautious how the extinction of the Viceroyship; you make experiments for the in- though even then George III., troduction of a class of voters who, as appeared from a letter which by reason of their poverty and was read by Lord John Russell, want of intelligence, must be the declared that this was a measure subservient tools of a Roman Ca- which, at a future time, it might tholic clergy."

be proper to adopt. He next adOn a division, there appeared a verted, first, to the general reasons majority of 11 in favour of the 121. why it was now desirable to abolish franchise. Lord Stanley then ad- the office, and secondly, to the parvised the Earl of Desart not to ticular objections that might be divide on his motion to disagree urged against its abolition. It was with the Commons' amendments obvious, he remarked, that it must respecting registration, to which be better that the person charged the noble Earl reluctantly as- with the administration of Ireland sented ; and further opposition to should possess the means of ordithe alterations of the Commons nary intercourse with those who was abandoned.

carried on the general government The next important measure of the empire. This was the rule bearing on the internal Govern of the British system of govern. ment of Ireland, which emanated 'ment, to the genius of which the from the Ministerial counsels, was exception in the case of Ireland a Bill for the abolition of the office was peculiarly adverse. The diffiof Lord Lieutenant. The propo- culty of obtaining explanations resition was somewhat suddenly an- specting that country in the form of nounced, and took the public by letters was felt in England, while surprise. On the 18th of May, the to Ireland it was a manifest disadPrime Minister moved for leave to vantage that there was no Minister bring in his Bill for this purpose. in the Cabinet specially intrusted In commencing to lay his views respecting her interests as regardbefore the House of Commons, the ed administration and legislation. noble Lord observed that the mea- So much had this inconvenience sure was important not only to the been felt, that a Chief Secretary interests of Ireland, but to the fu- for Ireland had been placed in the ture welfare of the United Kingdom Cabinet, who gave instructions to He proceeded to dispel two mis- his own chief, and was sometimes apprehensions-first, that it was the virtual governor of Ireland. intended to remove the courts of law Plausible objections had been herefrom Dublin to London; secondly, tofore started to the abolition of that this was a project of very the office. The istance and delay recent origin : both rumours were of communication through adverse totally devoid of foundation. No winds had been urged; but this objection disappeared with the r'a- State for the Home Department, pidity of locomotion, which had re- who would more conveniently exerluced the delay to a few hours. cise them. There would still be The existence of the Lord Lieu. a Privy Council in Ireland, pretenancy, he thought, was far more sided over by the Lord Chancellor; injurious than beneficial to Ireland. and the Irish Poor Law Board The Lord Lieutenant was placed would be reconstructed. Lord in a kind of anomalous position; he John then recapitulated the advanwas asked for everything, applied to tages to be expected from this meafor everything, and blamed forevery- sure, which might claim the supthing, without having the power be- port both of those who were favourlonging to his situation; he had the able and those who were hostile responsibility, but not the freedom to the Parliamentary union beof action of a Minister of the Crown; tween the two countries. To the he was an object, moreover, of jea former he said, that if Mr. Pitt lousy, resentment, and obloquy to had been able to propose the abodifferent parties in Ireland. By lition at the time of the Union, he blending the Irish administration would have followed the example with the general administration of of Lord Somers; and those who the United Kingdom, these feel thought that the Union ought not ings would be extinguished. It to exist should not be satisfied with might be objected that a separate a partial representation - a system local administration ought not to be of administration which did not destroyed, on account of the money give the people of Ireland a represpent in Dublin, and the access sentative in the great Ministry of to a court which was afforded to the empire, or anything as a subthe nobility and gentry of Ireland, stitute in the shape of local power. —but there was no reason why the Mr. Grattan, in a speech of great Irish aristocracy should not now vehemence, abounding in satire and resort to the court of Majesty it invective, denounced the measure self. He did not think it, however, as a destruction of the last remdesirable that, when the Viceroynant of Irish nationality, and a was withdrawn, the people of Ire- violation of the compact between land should have no opportunity the people of Ireland and the Engof seeing the Sovereign, and he lish Crown. The speech of the announced that was Her Majes- First Minister he characterised as ty's gracious intention from time destitute of argument, solidity, to time to visit Ireland, and that the point, or interest. He moved that residence at Phænix Park would leave to bring in the Bill be rebe maintained for Her Majesty. fused. He then explained the manner in Mr. Grogan seconded this which he proposed to effect the amendment, joining Mr. Grattan abolition, namely, by Order in in a determined opposition to Council, after the passing of the the measure, which he founded Act; and by appointing a fourth

a fourth chiefly on two grounds-one, the Secretary of State to carry on the material and permanent injury business connected with Ireland, it would inflict upon Dublin, the some of the functions appertain- other the effects which it would ing to the Lord Lieutenant being work upon political parties in Iretransferred to the Secretary of land. He urged at much length


various objections to the principle abolishing an office which of centralization, of which this a badge of serfdom—which, so measure was an exponent, and con- far from being a national institended that, so far from the pre- tution, was anti-Irish in everysent moment being, as Lord John thing. Mr. Osborne gave a lively Russell alleged, favourable for the and humorous description of the project, the time was peculiarly torments of a Lord Lieutenantill-chosen.

placed in a gilded pillory, pelted, Mr. Fagan said, if the people if impartial, by all parties—and of of Ireland, or even of Dublin, the anomalous and mysterious inwere opposed to the proposition, cidents of the present complex syshe should act upon his own judg- tem of Irish administration. ment, which was in its favour, but Sir L. O'Brien could not suphe believed the people of Ireland port this measure, which would were generally not opposed to the loosen one of the strongest ties that measure; on the contrary, as far as bound the two countries together, his experience went, if not favour- nor would he incur the risk of seriable to it, a great portion of the ous evils for uncertain advantages. popular party were divided in opi- Mr. Reynolds, in opposing the nion. So long as the office of Lord Bill, denied that the citizens of Lieutenant was maintained, it Dublin were favourable to it, and would be impossible to establish went at great length through the union amongst Irishmen, and that catalogue of Irish grievances, to union was essential to the prospe- which this would be an addition. rity of Ireland.

Mr. Disraeli observed, that Lord Mr. M. O'Connell, not as an John Russell had successfully deIrish member, but as a member molished his own proposition; Ireof the Imperial Parliament, bound land, he said, was well governed by to protect Imperial interests, should Lord Clarendon, therefore let him vote against this Bill. As a Re- be removed. His moral and social pealer, he should not ask a greater reasons were equally inconclusive, boon than this measure ; but he and another, a royal reason, was acted against his feelings upon a that, inasmuch as Her Majesty had principle of duty.

been gratified by her last visit to Mr. Osborne said, the question Ireland, and the people had been was merely this—whether the go- loyal, therefore he would take care vernment of Ireland should be she should never visit the country conducted upon the same princi- under the same circumstances. ple as that of Scotland and Wales. The second proposition contained If the retention of the office was in the motion, though it had at. desired by the people of Ireland, tracted little notice, was extremely the pageant was a cheap one ; but important. It might be right to if steam-power had rendered the accede to the abolition of the Lord communication with Ireland as Lieutenaney, and not to the appointeasy as with any part of England; ment of a fourth Secretary of State. if the office made the Union an un- As the colonies were to govern accomplished theory, and the peo- themselves, the Colonial Secretary ple of Ireland were indifferent; it would have much leisure; or why was the duty of Parliament to re- should not the Home Secretary unmodel the Executive of Ireland by dertake the business of Ireland as

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