clergy is divided. The Evangelical party saw in it a new incentive to their abhorrence against Popery; the High Churchmen resented it as an invasion of Catholic unity, and of that rule of discipline which forbids the intrusion of a second Bishop into a diocese already occupied. Accordingly, numerous meetings of the clergy were held in their several dioceses, formal protests were drawn up, and addresses presented to the respective Bishops, nearly all of whom, in language more or less strong and emphatic, reciprocated the indignant feelings of their brethren. The charge of the Bishop of London, delivered about this time, attracted particular attention from the earnestness and energy of the tone in which he repudiated the intolerant pretensions of the Roman See.

The laity on their side were not idle. All classes of society participated in the common impulse. The feelings of the higher ranks and of the gentry were manifested at county meetings, and in addresses to the Throne. The antipapal enthusiasm of the lower classes, which was quite as keen, but happily refrained itself from any transgression of the public peace, found vent in humbler, but not less significant demonstrations. Each of the English and Welsh counties successively met at the summons of their sheriffs, and the meetings were numerously attended by the noblemen, Members of Parliament, and other influential persons resident in their localities. In some of the northern shires, where many of the great landowners are members of the Roman Catholic faith, several gentlemen of that persuasion took part in these meetings, and came

forward to vindicate in a manly and straightforward spirit the character and proceedings of their Church; but, though listened to on most occasions with patience, their voices were overwhelmed by the irresistible tide with which the Protestant feeling of the country carried everything before it. The resolutions and addresses agreed to at these meetings all breathed the same determined spirit of resistance to the aggressions of the Papacy, and embodied in almost identical language the prevailing tone of sentiment. Another occasion arose about the same time, which turned into an obvious and familiar channel the popular aversion to Papal encroachments. The anniversary of the 5th of November occurring at the time when the ferment was at its height, and almost immediately after the publication of Lord John Russell's letter, produced an ostentatious, but happily good-humoured, explosion of popular contempt for the new hierarchy and its authors. The bonfires and effigy-burning with which the Protestant Jubilee was this year celebrated, were conducted on a scale, and were invested with a significance, much greater than common. In the place of Guy Fawkes, the images of the Pope and of the newmade Cardinal were paraded in the streets amidst the jeers of the populace, and in many places were committed to the flames amidst a great concourse of spectators, and an obstreperous demonstration of Protestant zeal.

The signal and unanimous condemnation which the Papal brief encountered from all classes of the Protestant community in England, must have somewhat surprised the Papal Court, and

have checked in no slight degree those sanguine views of a national conversion, on which the Pope and his advisers had, apparently, calculated. One attempt was made, but with very slight success, to combat the prevailing impression of the public, and to mollify the indignation which the Pope's measure had provoked. Dr. Wiseman appealed to the reason of the English people, in a long and elaborate address, in which he attempted to show that the substitution of an Episcopal hierarchy for the old organization of Vicars Apostolic, was a measure unconnected with any designs of aggression against the religious liberties of the English nation, and had been solely adopted, after mature consideration, and at the urgent desire of leading Romanists in England, for the more regular administration of the concerns of their own Church, and for the development of her ancient and acknowledged principles of rule and discipline. This document was marked by the skill and address of a practised controversialist, and contained an infusion of pointed sarcasms against some of the less popular features in the Anglican Church system, not ill calculated to create a diversion of opinion favourable to the writer's views. But although the talent and ingenuity of the composition

were generally acknowledged, its arguments failed to produce any impression whatever upon those to whom it was addressed. In fact, no sophistry could disguise the contrast, striking and palpable. to all, between the style and tone of the two documents which, within a very short period, had issued from the same pen between the grandiloquent Pastoral" addressed to his own communion, in which the new Cardinal had magnified the late event as the recovery of a lost appanage to the Popedom, "England restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament," and the apologetic tone in which, addressing the Protestant people of England, the same individual extenuated the measure as a mère internal arrangement for the better spiritual government of that section of the population that owned allegiance to the Papal See.

With this brief account of the "Papal Aggression," and of the important national demonstration which resulted from it, we bring our narrative of the present year to a close. The further proceedings which followed in the train of this event will find a place in the next volume, where the subject will occupy no inconsiderable space in the Parliamentary records of the ensuing year.

Those employed in building, ground works, in the construction of the fortifications, the masons, stonecutters, &c., all reaped the fruit of their labour. At the end of each year some carried back to their country the money they had honourably and painfully earned, whilst others vested it in the savings'-banks, which, at the Revolution of February, contained 350,000,000f., accruing mostly from the profits of labour. The only case in which labour shares the fate of capital, is that of the absence of confidence, which produces a cessation of business and drains all the sources of public prosperity. The natural and regular element of labour lies in the intelligence of the merchant, who, at a period of public tranquillity, may combine his operations and foresee their results. That intelligence has manifested itself of late in a very striking manner. Merchants, who had lost the fruits of long labour, and some of whom had arrived at an age when they had a right to think of repose, have been compelled, I may say, to recommence their career, and by their capacity, their energy, and the aid of the confidence inspired by the policy of the Government, have imparted fresh activity to business. All branches of trade, such as those connected with colonial produce, tissues of every description, articles of Parisian manufacture, of fashion and luxury, and others intended for exportation, are in full vigour. building trade, however, is still languishing, but we trust that it will also soon recover-thanks to the measures adopted by the Assembly and the Municipal Commission of the city of Paris."

The

The debates in the Legislative

Assembly this year, opened with a discussion on a Bill requiring two credits, amounting to 2,300,000f., for the payment of the subsidy due from France to the government of Monte Video. But the real question was, whether France should interfere more energetically in the long-standing quarrel between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video; and the general policy of France on that subject, and her negotiations with General Rosas were brought under review; although there was no dispute as to the obligation upon the French Government to pay the subsidy.

The discussion was opened by M. Larrabure, a native of Buenos Ayres, in a speech advocating the interests of his birthplace; and M. Jules Lasteyrie followed on the same side.

Admiral Lainé replied with attacks on General Rosas, and spoke strongly in favour of an expedition to drive him from the country he had invaded. M. Colas and M. de la Rochejaquelin succeeded the Admiral with speeches insisting on the necessity for action, to save French interests from destruction, and above all to save honour from disgrace.

French

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, General de la Hitte, then stated at once, that it was the intention of the French Government to withhold its ratification of the treaty negotiated with Rosas by Admiral Le Prédour, as French honour and interest opposed the ratification. But while the treaty would not be ratified, the Government did not intend to accept the alternative of an expedition. The Committee on the Bill had put the alternative of peace or war— abandonment of the treaty or action; but the wisdom of the As

sembly might secure French interests without sacrificing French honour. General la Hitte briefly dwelt on the circumstances which had elapsed since the time when 4000 or 5000 men would have sufficed for the expedition to to Monte Video. That city was then wealthy and populous; it had a custom-house revenue to supply it with resources and 40,000 inhabitants to-day it is a ruined city; the foreigners have departed, and the diminished population suffers the misery of a place besieged for seven years. The Frenchmen there in June last were 4000, in September 3000, in October but 2200, at this hour still fewer: they are at Corrientes, at Entre Rios, and Buenos Ayres-where that Dictator spoken of with so little sympathy has offered them the hospitality and the security they needed. 'If you wish," he said, "to relieve Monte Video, I confidently declare that 10,000 men will be required." General de la Hitte proposed to follow the example of England, which, by Lord Palmerston's instructions, demanded some modification of Mr. Southern's treaty with Rosas, while approving of that treaty in the main. In like manner, the Minister for Foreign Affairs proposed to negotiate for a modification of the Prédour treaty, meanwhile taking measures to protect the French in La Plata.

66

M. Daru, the reporter of the Committee, dissented from the Minister's representation of what the Committee recommended. He said "Do not ask to negotiate on the same conditions as hitherto. Do not ratify the treaty of Admiral Le Prédour. Choose between the absolute abandonment, which, in our opinion, is not the best course,

and an action of which you will determine the form and extent; for the tribune is not the fittest place to organize expeditions, and it is not my intention to suggest to you any project of the kind. . . . . I extremely regret not to concur completely in the opinion of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Should he continue to negotiate as hitherto, I do not hesitate to tell him beforehand, those negotiations will be unavailing." M. Daru joined in the attack on Admiral Le Prédour's treaty, while he praised the Admiral himself. "The treaty," he said, "gives all to the enemy of France, and gains nothing for France herself; it gives ruin to Monte Video, and it surrenders French influence throughout South America."

After a variety of desultory speeches, and votes on previous questions, a vote was taken on the question whether the following amendment, moved by M. de Rancé, should be referred to the Committee

"There is opened to the Ministers of Marine and War a credit of 10,000,000 francs, in order to support, by arms in case of need, the negotiations between the French and Argentine Republics."

This amendment was carried by a majority of 3—315 votes to 312. The result was, that the whole matter was referred again to the consideration of the Committee.

On the 2nd of January the Ministry received a severe check in the Assembly, by being reduced to a majority of one in carrying the question of "urgency," for the discussion of an important measure. This was an Education Bill introduced by the Minister of Instruction, which gave the Prefects of Departments power to dismiss