fore one of the parties cannot be entitled to undo this collective work, to attack its independence, to destroy its integrity, to shake this dynasty by humiliating it before the world, and to disturb the tranquillity of the country by exposing it, on the mere appearance of a threatening fleet, to the attempts of the factious, and perhaps to a civil war. Independently of the sentiments of goodwill which they bear to Greece, Russia and France have a material interest in maintaining her tranquillity. They have lent her money, which they as well as England are entitled to recover, and they cannot see with indifference that the State which is their debtor should, in consequence of the interdict applied to its navigation and commerce, be led to incur, on account of the defensive measures thus forced upon it, losses and expenses which must of course render it less able than ever to meet its pecuniary obligations; they have therefore a right, at least, to take cognizance of a dispute which may cause them such great inconvenience, and to look upon this affair, whatever the British Envoy may say, as not only English but also Russian and French.

"This is applicable to the claims in favour of English subjects, or protected subjects, which the Cabinet of London makes against Greece; claims which it has only stated to us generally, and which the more detailed information that we have received from the adverse party does not show to be devoid of some exaggeration, but the amount and object of which do not certainly bear any proportion to the severity of the means employed to enforce them;

but more particularly does this refer to what regards the two little islands contiguous to the Hellenic continent, which England now claims as appertaining to the Ionian Islands. This is a territorial question of which Russia and France had certainly the right to be previously informed. Ever since they fixed, in accordance with England, the limits of the territory of Greece, and since they, also in accordance with England, guaranteed to Greece the possession of the same, they have a right to demand by what title England, after this definition of limits, which already dates eighteen years back, considers herself authorized to resettle them by her own authority alone, and to assume to herself a part of that territory, however small and unimportant. We should, therefore, have to protest solemnly against the pretensions of the English Government to decide this question arbitrarily, without the consent and the participation of the two Cabinets who likewise signed the treaty defining the territorial limits of Greece.

"The Emperor charges you, M. le Baron, to address on this subject serious representations to the English Government, to urge them, in the most pressing manner, to hasten the cessation of a state of things at Athens which nothing justifies or necessitates, and which exposes Greece to losses as well as to dangers, out of all reasonable proportion to the claims made against her. The reception which may be given to our representations may have considerable influence on the nature of the relations we are henceforth to expect from England,-let me add, on the position towards all the Powers,

great or small, whose coast exposes them to a sudden attack. It remains, indeed, to be seen whether Great Britain, abusing the advantages which are afforded her by her immense maritime superiority, intends henceforward to pursue an isolated policy, without caring for those engagements which bind her to the other Cabinets, whether she intends to disengage herself from every obligation as

well as from all community of action, and to authorize all great Powers, on every fitting opportunity, to recognise towards the weak no other rule but their own will, no other right but their own physical strength.

"Your Excellency will be pleased to read this dispatch to Lord Palmerston, and to give him a copy of it."

the basis of good constitutional government, and will facilitate interior reforms, increase the public credit, and promote our friendly relations with Foreign Powers. To maintain in its integrity our liberty and independence, while we consider you, Sire, as the first champion in that cause; to defend religion, without which liberty perishes and society is dissolved; to promote elementary instruction, that the people may learn to know their rights and duties, and to distinguish true liberty from insubordination to every authority-their true friends from those who would attempt to corrupt and mislead them; to improve, as far as circumstances will admit, the condition of the poorer classes; to provide against the penury of the Treasury without injuring the sources of reproduction; to introduce into the public departments the reforms which are called for by the constitutional system; such are, Sire, the points to which in our opinion the attention of Government and the severe scrutiny of Parliament should be turned. The Senate promises you, Sire, its prompt and loyal support. It has full confidence in the King and the Constitution-it is convinced that this generous and prudent nation will show Europe that it is fit for the exercise of the precious rights which it has been called upon to enjoy."

In the charter of the Constitution granted by the late King Charles Albert, it was one of the provisions that all citizens, without distinction of classes, are equal before the law, and all alike subject to the same administration of the laws. By this enactment the privilege of the ecclesiastics to be tried before spiritual tribunals was virtually taken away;

but before any practical operation of the new law took place, it was deemed right to obtain, if possible, the sanction and consent of the Court of Rome. Several fruitless negotiations took place on the subject; and at last M. Siccardi, the Minister of Justice, was sent with a deputation to wait upon the Pope, who was then at Portici, for the purpose of endeavouring to induce him to consent to a concordat, as the basis of a Bill which the Piedmontese Government intended to propose in the Sardinian Chambers. The mission, however, was abortive, and M. Siccardi and his colleagues returned to Turin, where he at once proceeded to propose the Bill, by which the principle declared in the constitutional charter was to be carried out, and all persons, without exception, were to be tried before the ordinary secular tribunals. This Bill was carried, and was afterwards known as the celebrated Siccardi Law or Laws. Monsignor Franzoni was at the time Archbishop of Turin, and he was bitterly opposed to the new law. He wished to play the same part as Thomas à Becket in England, in the reign of Henry II., and issued a circular, in which he ordered the clergy not to recognise the temporal jurisdiction, nor plead before its tribunals. He was arrested, and afterwards summoned to appear before a criminal court and answer the charge of exciting disaffection to the law; but he refused to comply with the summons, and wrote on the 29th of April, to the Judge of Instruction, the following letter:

Sir,-In my former letter of to-day I said and demonstrated that I could not appear before a lay tribunal without having obtained an authorization from the Sovereign

Pontiff, to whom I offered to apply for it. Now, Sir, you inform me that you cannot approve of my reasons nor consent to my request, and that if I do not obey the summons to-day the law shall have its course. As this is a matter of conscience, nothing is left to me but to say with St. Peter-Si justum est vos potius audire quam Deum, judicate! Whatever may be the consequence, I must repeat that it is absolutely impossible for me to present myself. More afflicted at the offences you commit against God, and the censures you do not hesitate to incur, than at whatever is done to me, I have the honour to be," &c.

On the 23rd of May, the case came before the first Criminal Chamber of the Court of Appeal. The tribunal was composed of eight councillors and twelve jurymen. An empty arm-chair occupied the centre of the hall, and the President announced that the Archbishop, then confined in the citadel, refused to appear, and the trial must proceed in his absence. The Secretary then read the indictment and the sentence of the section of criminal instruction authorizing the trial. The President explained to the jury the object of the trial, namely, that Monsignor Franzoni, aged 62, Archbishop of Turin, according to Art. 24 of the Law of the Press, was accused of an offence against the respect due to the laws of the State by publishing and distributing a circular, dated April 18th. The AttorneyGeneral called two witnesses, who proved that the circular of Monsignor Franzoni was one morning posted up in the sacristy of the parish church of Santa Maria Maggiore, where the public are admitted. The Attorney-General then

read several documents in support of the prosecution. M. Vigliani, advocate, who had been named by the Court for the defence, in consequence of Monsignor Franzoni refusing to name his counsel, then pleaded in favour of the prisoner, after which the President charged the jury, who retired, and after a deliberation of half an hour brought in a verdict of Guilty. The Attorney-General upon this requested the Court to condemn the prisoner to six months' imprisonment and a fine of 1000 francs. The counsel for the defence opposed this demand, observing to the Court that a few days of arrest would be a sufficient punishment. The Court, after some consultation, condemned Monsignor Franzoni to a month's imprisonment and a fine of 500 francs.

In the month of August, one of the Ministers, M. Santa Rosa, who had concurred in proposing and carrying the Siccardi Laws, was seized with a mortal illness, and the monks of the order of Servi were instructed by the Archbishop of Turin to refuse the sacraments of the Church to the dying man, unless he would acknowledge that he had done wrong in supporting the obnoxious laws. This caused such scandal that the populace were with difficulty restrained from taking vengeance on the monks. The Minister died without receiving the consolations of the Church, declaring that he knew how to reconcile his duty as a Minister of the Crown with his duty as a Catholic Christian. The municipality then demanded of the Government that the order of the Servi monks should be banished from the city of Turin, and with this the Government complied. The possessions of the monks were se