where they might be needed? There were two other points on which he would ask leave to bring in bills, and which, without departing from the principle of the former measure, he conceived, would give considerable encouragement to the transfer of service from the militia to the line. The first was, that the previous years of service in the militia should not be entirely lost by any man volunteering into the line. Service in the West Indies counted in an increased proportion; he would propose that in the militia to be under an equality with that in the line, but such as to approximate the individual to the advantages which are obtained by length of service in the latter. The other related to the non-commissioned officers in the militia, for whom he thought parliament ought long ago to have legislated. Their situation was truly unfortunate. After 25 years service, a serjeant was either kept in the regiment when unfit for duty, by the charity of his colonel; or if he retired, had no other provision than 5d. a day. He would now propose, that any militia serjeant volunteering into the line, should, after a certain period of service, be entitled to a certain amount of pension: The details as to the rate or value of previous militia service in the first case, or the amount of the pensions in the second, he should leave to the wisdom of parliament to settle. There was another class whose situation he could not contemplate, as it was so subordinate and inferior to the corresponding class in the line, without astonishment that men of any abilities should be found to enter it. He meant the surgeons in the militia, in whose favour he would also call on parliament to interfere, to approximate their situation to that of surgeons in the line. The last measure he had now to propose would be, to empower his majesty to augment the 60th regiment, principally composed of foreigners,

from seven, to any number not exceeding ten battalions. This, he stated, would be cheaper than forming two regiments of the same description. His lordship concluded by moving for "leave to bring in a bill to enable his majesty to accept the services of the local militia out of their county, under certain restrictive regulations."

Mr Whitbread "had no doubt but this measure of the noble lord's originated in the joyful event which had just taken place in Holland, and which made him desirous to employ a larger force out of this country, to assist that nation to recover its independence. Never did a more favourable opportunity present itself to exert our whole strength, with more confidence of success; and the noble lord need not anticipate any opposition from him, to a measure calculated to facilitate the emancipation of a brave people. But for the presence of the French prisoners, who, he sincerely regretted, still remained in this country, he would say that there never was a moment when less force was required to conduct the police at home. Tranquillity was reigning within our island; and he trusted that the abundant harvest with which Providence had blessed us, the cheapness of provisions returning with returning employment, would maintain it; would dispel any apprehension of its again being disturbed; and would convince men, that the riots which had some time since alarmed the country, were only occasioned by the dearness of provisions, and the want of employment, and had therefore ceased with them. There could be but one voice in favour of our assisting the Dutch. They had already so far succeeded, because theirs was a contest of the people, and not of the government. Because it was a contest of the government, and not the people, the single battle of Jena had crushed the Prussian monarchy. Because the people

and not the government now waged it, the Prussian monarchy was restored. When Buonaparte marched his immense army to the centre of the Russian empire, the people fought, and he was destroyed. In Sweden, the people had rid themselves, with a bloodless revolution, of an oppressive government, and elected in its stead that great captain, whom the noble lord had represented as the author of the plans of the present campaign. They had selected a chief out of the French armies, where he had learned to conquer him under whom he had served; and to the exertions of the Swedish people we were therefore indebted for a portion of the great results now obtained. The energies of the people, at the beginning of the French revolution, had repelled the hostilities of invading nations; and it was not till, happily for Europe, the emperor of France stretched those energies too far, that his power, under the will of an all-wise Providence, crumbled in his hands. It was the people of England that assisted all nations, and he felt confident it would continue to do it with all its power, and with univer. al spirit and satisfaction. The time of the year was favourable to the collection of a large force, without inju. ring the interests of the country. The agricultural labours of the year were over, and for a few months, those men who before would have been wanted to reap the harvest and cultivate the ground, might be spared to assist in restoring the independence of Europe. In the hour and exultation of success,

He did

however, he wished us not to forget ourselves. He did not believe that any attack on the liberties of the coun try was intended, or that any effort to obtain an undue increase of influence for the crown was made. Yet it should be remembered, that the present events necessarily created a larger augmentation of influence than ever. not urge this in a spirit of hostility, but merely as an admonitory observation. Far from opposing it in the present circumstances, he consented to it; he gave it his feeble support, because he thought it necessary; and however humble he might be as an individual, yet that support was valuable, because it was not given blindly, but with his eyes open to all the inconveniences with which the measures rendered necessary by events might be attended."

These important measures were thus carried into effect with a rapidity which surpassed all former experience. The crisis was urgent in the extreme, but the energy of the nation proved fully adequate to the occasion. All parties united in furthering measures upon which it would have been disgraceful to have evinced any narrow or selfish feelings; and the British legislature proved in this great emergency, that how zealous soever its individual members may be upon ordinary occasions, in vindicating the opinions, or promoting the system of a party, they readily and naturally coalesce, when the honour, the interests, and the real grandeur of the country, are manifestly involved in their deliberations.

C

proposition, it was observed by Mr Baring, that, considering the numerous, bat, he believed, necessary expences, which the state of affairs imposed on the country, he was surprised that no relief was to be afforded from the naval service; but that, on the contrary, there was an excess in that department. It was with regret that he found this motion made at so very early a period of the session, for the service of 1814. He would not prejudge the question as to the necessity of the vote; but in the present unsettled state of afairs, he could see no necessity for urging it immediately. Looking at the map of Europe, and considering what our navy had at present to do, he could not conceive the necessity for so large an armament In France, he In France, he observed, that, according to the pressure of circumstances, some branches of public expenditure were so proportioned as to assist the necessary demands incurred by others, which were of a more exigent nature; whereas we continued to keep up full charges in all branches, as it appeared to him, unecessarily. For years past, we had had nothing like a formidable enemy at sea; and at the period of the battle of Trafalgar we had 10,000 seamen less than now. We had a few years ago all the ports of the peninsula against , and we had the Baltic to guard, besides our own operations against enemies' colonies. There was now a considerable prospect of our clearing the ports of Holland. He would venture to say, that there was no man, with tolerable information, who followed up the conduct of our naval administration for the last year, but must be surprised at the little that had been done effectually on the North American coast. On that subject, he should not then enter particularly; but, judging from the use made of our great navy last year, he saw no reason for giving to the Admiralty such great

means. Was it meant to be contended that this immense armament was required on the American stations, for assuredly no where else could it be necessary? From the information he and many other individuals had received, he was inclined to think, that the force already on the other side of the Atlantic, if properly applied, was more than equal to the task it had to perform. The Americans had not more than 3 or 4,000 seamen to oppose to the 140,000 this night to be voted; but he was far from believing that the naval strength under Sir John Warren had been employed to the greatest advantage. Why, he asked, were forty sail stationed off the Chesapeake, to the disgrace of this country, committing depredations, burning a few sheds, and taking a few stray tobacco ships, when three or four men of war, with due vigilance, would completely have effected the purpose? He would venture to assert, that one-third of the force now stationed off the republican coast, properly distributed, would be fully adequate to blockade the enemy's harbours. It was a known fact, that the preservation of our North American possessions depended upon maintaining a naval superiority on the lakes; but in what condition were we by the last accounts? Our ships had been. expelled from Lake Erie; and on Lake Ontario, with all his gallantry and all his ability, Sir James Yeo was not able to face the American force brought against him. So that the state of things was this :-That the naval affairs, either here or abroad, were so ill administered, that where a large naval equipment was required, only a small force was detached; and where but few vessels were necessary, an enormous fleet was stationed.

Mr W. Dundas would not now enter into any vindication of the Admiralty; but if any direct motion of censure were hereafter produced against

the board, he should be happy to meet and to refute it. Until proof of negligence or inability were adduced, he knew the House of Commons too well, to think that they would condemn. With regard to the early period at which this vote was brought forward, the hon. gentleman would find, on consulting the journals, that it was always the first vote of supply of the session, and he (Mr Dundas) should have been deficient in his duty if he had delayed it longer. As to the charge, that 140,000 seamen were not at this time necessary, the hon. gentleman had answered himself, since he acknow. ledged that the navy must not be disbanded; and because we had at present the superiority on land, were we to lessen our pre-eminence at sea? In this view no policy could be worse, than that because a peace might perhaps take place, it would be fit to reduce our naval strength. If at any future period such an event should occur, parliament would have the power of limiting our naval power; but in the present posture of affairs Buonaparte could wish nothing better than to see all our ships laid up in ordinary, and our seamen turned adrift upon the country. The hon. gentleman had said, that our navy now had comparatively little employment. What had become of the enemy's fleets formerly so much talked of?-Where was the Toulon fleet?-At Toulon ready to put to sea on the first opportunity. Of how many sail did that consist? Of not less than 25 or 26 sail.-In the Scheldt there were, how many?Twenty-seven nearly ready for sea.Was not this a formidable armament for our navy to meet?-At Brest, Cherbourg, and in the Texel, there were also many ships, of which the hon. gentleman (Mr Baring) seemed to have no recollection.

Mr Croker stated, "that not long

ago the French fleet in the mouth of the Scheldt amounted to 16 sail of the line, to all appearance ready for service. In the Texel there were not less than five, sometimes ten, in the same condition of preparation. Although some might believe that the enemy had withdrawn many of his seamen from his fleets, yet it would have been an improper confidence on the part of government, on a public rumour, so to reduce our armaments as to permit them, so near to our own coasts, to move about, insufficiently watched and guarded. The hon. member's opinion concerning the Toulon fleet was monstrous; since it was but recently that government was accused of neglect in that quarter, of having a naval force inferior to that of the enemy; particularly on the occasion of L'Emeriau's once coming out to sea, and returning to harbour. Did not an enemy's force of 50 sail of the line require watching? If the Admiralty were the victims of those illusions of the hon. member, they would indeed become liable to reproach. As to the time at which the motion was now made, it became necessary to make it in the last month of the last year's expenditure. It was also necessary that our brave seamen should be paid and fed; but then it might be said, "put it off till January." Why, the necessity of this motion was among the other important reasons, why parliament was assembled so soon this session! But all that was now intended or proposed was, to vote. one half of what was wanted. All the civil part of the naval expenditure, new buildings, repairs, and other items, on which a difference of opinion might fairly arise, were kept back for the period of the ordinary estimates, three or four months hence. Government might have adopted another mode, by proposing a rateable sum, for a few months' expenditure; but they had