prize. The shock of hostility between two countries must always be severe; in the present instance, it might have been much worse than it is. Denmark was not of equal importance in the dealings of this country: and, in a political view, Denmark had not, for many years, yielded any assistance to British prosperity, or to British power. Her enmity, most certainly, we did not desire; for what advantages could we expect from her enmity? A strict neutrality, had she but preserved it, was the course against which we had no right to complain. For the present, America may be considered as suspending that amity which had been no small cause of her prosperity. Yet, we are far from blaming that embargo which she laid on her vessels indiscriminately, although it operates to the disadvantage of Britain for the moment. It must, accordingly, be enumerated among those circumstances which belong to the history of the period under narration. It contributes to augment the impediments to the free current of British com merce. Taking all these events into consideration, we may rationally infer, that our manufacturers and our merchants must be, for a time, at a loss on what principles to direct their exertions, and by what means to compensate the suspension of those orders which had been to a certain degree anticipated by them. We admit without hesitation that some sufferings they must experience. However, we believe, that the chief cause of their sufferings may be traced to the spirit of augmentation with which our manufactories were conducted. That these establishments had wonderfully prospered of late years, admitted of no doubt. That they had repeatedly triumphed over obstacles supposed to be insurmountable by those who laid them in their way, was notorious. That every effort of rivalship, on a great scale, had been insufficient to thwart their progress, was undeniable; but it did not follow that they were always to continue increasing, year by year, and that no year was to intervene marked by a suspension of prosperity. Against this our manufactures had not provided: the check was to them unexpected, and it was, and is, of course, more serious, and perplexing: yet that it is no more than a check, appears plainly, from the exports at large, which shew that the goods sent abroad during the year 1807 about equal those in 1805. Whatever was the character of 1805, may therefore be attached to 1807-but those who prepared for an increase on 1806, can hardly be brought to admit this conclusion. It appears from accounts laid before parliament, that the real value of all imports into Great Britain, for the last 3 years was, For 1805 £53,582,146 For 1805 For 1806 For 1807 11,446,093 12,865,551 12,097.942 Our Hoping, then, that the sufferings of our workmen, in some counties, are but temporary, we shall advert to other occurrences in which Britain is interested. Our military reputation has certainly been somewhat sullied, by the events at Buenos Ayres. We were in hopes, that the present race of our officers would have redeemed that credit of which the French have laboured insidiously as well as openly to deprive them. troops, they acknowledge, are brave; but those who command them are unskilful; yet of what avail is bravery without skill?-We shall take infinite pleasure in recording whatever atchievements may contribute to correct this sentiment: we know its influence and its importance on the continent. When it shall be effectually checked, one more mean will be added to the security of Britain. We must, however, congratulate our country on the tranquillity it has enjoyed, during the period to which our remarks refer. We acknowledge ourselves, to be agreeably disappointed in the supply of corn which our markets have experienced. We were not altogether without apprehensions, that since the consumption of our immense metropolis has long depended in no trivial proportion on grain imported from the Baltic, or from America, that the withholding of these supplies, would have been felt with great severity, at the market, and would have influenced the market prices unfavourably. This, however, has not taken place to any serious, much less to any alarming degree: and we hope, that it will prove by the facts, that our own country does grow sufficient sustenance for its inhabi tants. We are not very anxious whether this sustenance be corn, (wheat) provided it be a farinaceous aliment, or at least, vegetable provision, as distinct from animal food. This nation has ever been remarked for depending on animal food for support, more than most others. But, we have reason to believe, that vegetable provision is now consumed in a far greater proportion than formerly; and it has contributed to the disappearance of some diseases from among us, that at present, are known only by name. We suspect too, that it has contributed to increase our population: but this we cannot examine here.' We rejoice, therefore, that agriculture prospers generally, in the United Kingdom; it is greatly beholden to the numerous societies which patronize it, for that spirit which animates its proceedings. The mines, too, of the United Kingdom, are wrought with spirit, and some of them have proved extremely productive. This is the character of mines: they are, as it were, a lottery, containing blanks as well as prizes. Our fisheries are capable of greater extension: their expences of outfit are eavy; but, in general, their returns are ample. The finer kinds of manufactures are precarious: the supply of silk has been very insufficient, and but for what we have received from India, the scarcity might have had alarming consequences. The arts we hope, shew symptoms of revival: but the great body of the public is less interested in this, than the patronage of individual amateurs. Let not these remarks be considered as misplaced: every thing of a public nature contributes towards the formation of that correct judgment, on the state of a nation, which at no time, has been more desirable than at present, and at no time more difficult to obtain. We have thus, bestowed a slight notice, succinct but not hasty; on the principal interests of Britain. We know, that there are other interests, which may justly claim distinction, but on these the events of six months have little influence. We know, that there are those who watch with anxious eve the morais, the manners, the principles and the prejudices of our population. These, and their dependencies, are truly objects of importance, and what none who is endowed with wisdom, will regard with indifference: but these we shall not at present investigate. AMERICA. The history of those occurrences which have placed America in a truly delicate situation, leaving her little other than the choice of an enemy, appear in our Register of Events annexed. The unwarrantable custom of seducing seamen from the British navy to serve in American ships, had risen to an incredible height. Could a list of them have been readily obtained, it is thought, that they would have out-numbered the American-born sailors in the British service, by ten to one: and it would have appeared, that the real cause of complaint on this subject, lay with Britain. The history of the compulsory measures taken by Admiral Berkeley to obtain satisfaction for the infringement of the rights of nations, may be seen in the present volume, p. 1186, et al. Britain has been casting about in her specu- We have only to add, that France has fullations for means to relieve the distresses of herminated the most terrific threats against whatWest India Islands. They, like their manufacturers, had prepared for additional prosperi tv. They were driving too fast. The more sedate will find themselves at home, as soon as, perhaps sooner than, those who have been in too much haste. Yet we venture to foretell, that their strength to support the burdens under which they labour will be increased: that they will experience relief by an indirect mode; and that, speedily after they have felt this benefit, they will return to their former extensive ideas, and be again involved, again The productions of this vast continent, are embarrassed. The consumption of grain undoubtedly those of the first necessity, and which was demanded by our distilleries, will felt so to be, in fully peopled states. now find a substitute in our West India su-earth yields an increase, more than sufficient gars: and thus the importance of our supply to support the American population. It is of grain from abroad is diminished. We produced with a view to be exported, and the hope, also, that our American colonies will exportation of this product is the only continue to increase in their powers of supply, mean which America possesses of paying for and thus our islands will gradually be relieved those comforts and enjoyments which she defrom their dependence on America. We are rives from Europe. The error of Britain is, deceived, if this does not prove to be the case, that of too great a flow of her hands to manuto a considerable degree, if America conti- factures; they are, many of them, wanted at aues to enforce her embargo. the plough the contrary is the state of America; the plough engrosses her hands: and her strength, very wisely, is direct d to the cultivation of the ground. But, the effect is the same to both parties, when a stoppage happens. The conimodity intended for exchaoge lies ou hund: sinks rapitily in price, The East Indies continue at peace: but, whatever be the cause, there is a certain kind of obscurity remarked, as characterizing the affairs of the Company: from which those who draw favourable auguries are thought by other harpspices to be partial. ever vessels suffer themselves to be visited by English cruizers: and has put those threats into execution, by condemning as lawful prize, all such vessels, wherever she can find them. Can those vessels, then, prevent ships of force from examining them? No; but the intention of France is, to provoke America to action: little caring against which of the belligerents she acts: or, what America may be called to relinquish, whenever she abandons her neutrality. The because it cannot reach the consumer for | whom it was intended: and the most perishable article experiences the most speedy and desperate depreciation. A stock of coals, may be exposed to all weathers with impunity: a stock of corn or flour, is liable to many eneanies-but if it escape all enemies, it may consume itself, become heated, and so spoiled. The productions of the back settlements in America, travel many hundreds of miles to the coast for exportation: this occupies many weeks. When arrived, they are delayed 'ere they can be shipped: and, then, the voyage to Europe is uncertain. Yet the proceeds of these cargoes, whether in the shape of corn, or flour, are drawn upon by bills, to pay for those houshold utensils, those tools, those wearables and those thinkables which contribute to maintain the station of man above that of the brute.-An embargo, suspends the whole of this concatenation, and detaius a perishable article on the shores of its own country. If then an embargo was the wisest step America could take, (and we think it was) how perplexing must those circonstances have been which prompted her to it? It was worse, certainly, to encounter in a direct manner the power of Britain, or the petulance of Buonaparté; since she was bid to choose either of the two as her enemy. Neverthe less, tlie embargo was a measure which implied distress, and must prolong distress too, especially if continued for any considerable length of time. We shall be happy to report in our next, that the negotiation nov pending between this country and America, is brought to a happy conclusion. In sending out a negotiator for a specific object, that of the insult offered to the American frigate, Chesapeake, Britain acted wisely: and should matters take an adverse turn, this will ever be mentioned in proof of the disposition of Britain, to avoid extremities, if it could be done with honour. What America can accomplish in respect to cotinteracting the edicts of France, we are at a loss to conceive: they are enforced to her great disadvantage-how can she annul them? AUSTRIA Has been acted upon by her hopes and fears; advantages have been held out to her of provinces to be acquired, as her share of the spoil of a neighbouring empire. Not yet recovered from the effects of her last atrack by France, she is desirous of avoiding to anger the head of the French empire: that she leads herself willingly to his plans, we do not believe: but, that she would be glad to find indemnity for her losses, if unaccompanied by further humiliations, we easily persuade ourselves. She therefore complies with the mandates of the Corsican, conscious at the same time, that she is acting a farce, and conscious that others detect the farce she is acting. Her proposals of mediating between the belligerent powers, might, at first, be well intended on her part; but we believe that her late reiterations of similar propositions were made with more form than friendship, and rather to ascertain the language of Britain on the occasion, than to conciliate the contending powers, by hearty efforts and genuine good will. That farce was played off to amuse the British ministry, and to save appearances under a pretext, as the declaration of war by Austria against Britain, is a farce played off to amuse Buonaparté, and to set up appearances of enmity, where no provocation has given cause for the reality. Britain had done no injury to Austria. That pretence is not even asserted. The Austrian Declaration breaks off connection-but assigns no adequate cause. The cause no doubt was the machination of Buonaparté. Austria has no ships: she will not surely, march her troops to the invasion of Britain. As to her shutting out British commodities completely; we doubt the fact, nor would we venture to affirm that her conduct is not connived at by those who know her real sentiments. For, we are perfectly well convinced, that whatever difference any one of the ancient powers of Europe may affect to pay to the mandates of Buonaparté, that they despise him in their hearts, as an upstart coxcomb, and their opinion of any merit or excellence that he can call his own, is diametrically opposite to respectful or honourable. They consider him as an arrant knave, and should any reverse befal him, they will not linger in their efforts to convince the world, that they know the difference between a selfmade einperor and king, and one in whose veins runs the blood of a gentleman. The proud court of Austria, has lost a part of its dominions, but no part of its pride; the vice will continue amalgamated in its character, whatever countries be alienated to other powers. We suspect that Austria lies in wait, to recover strength; some future time may see her spring on her prey-and then she may once more solicit the friendship of Britain. DENMARK. It must be allowed that Denmark was placed in perplexing circumstances, by the approach of the French troops to her frontiers. If she provoked them by a shew of resistance; some untoward accident might convert that shew into reality. If she admitted their inroads, her honour and her security were abrogated at once. They would pay no regard to reason, to right or to wrong, to the justice or injustice of the case; political motives, and those only, would influence them : for when has argument been heard by France ? It required, therefore, no great foresight to per deive, that Denmark would be unable to 1 aroid taking a part in the disputes which agitate Europe. She has for a long succession of years been in habits of intimacy with France, and though the fate of Louis XVI. might be thought to have dissolved the amity between the two courts, yet there might be natural connections sufficient between the two countries to continue their intercourse. Denmark certainly favoured France: but what might be the nature of her late obligations we do not pretend to affirm. Whether they were stipulations, or connivances, whether they were expressed in words at length, on paper or parchment, or parole only, we cannot say: but we say, that Denmark had long been an ally of France,-what should convert her from that alliance? where negotiation has had no effect. We repeat our belief, that the Crown Prince has borne this on his mind, ever since. We wish he may not mistake obstinacy for firmness; but we doubt not, that he cons ders himself as maintaining a proper sense of Danish inde pendence, which he supposed was violated by the intrusion of Britain at that time. We have merely glanced at these things, to shew that the partiality of Denmark for France may be accounted for without supposing fascination: and that the ill humour which Denmark has shewn, by complaining of that conduct from Britain, winch she received from France without a murmur,→→ which has occasioned some surprize among us-is not without its motives. But beside the inclination of Denmark for France, there is another power, that for a century past has swayed the councils of this government. Russia by her ambassadors had dictated, absolutely dictated, every thing. When the king was to marry, Russia forbad such or such alliances: when the king was to travel, Russia condescended to give permission for that purpose. The Russian ambassador has been known, to have waited for the rising of a privy council, and finding its determination to be contrary to his wishes, to threaten the members with his sovereign's displeasure. He has been known, to insist on their revers It is true, that her King married an English Princess; but the two nations were little more intimate on this account. Nor were the circumstances that attended or followed this union, very strongly calculated to annul French influence, or to repel French intrigue. The manners and the morals of the court, and of the people too, were, and are, wholly French, and the delusive gratifications which that dissolute people know so well how to prepare, were favourite, fashionable and prevalent in Denmark. The Danes were Frenchifed much beyond what could be supposed, or what was even reported in this country. It ought to be understood that the unhappying their resolutions. In short, Denmark Queen Matilda in the freedom of her manhers did no more than follow the customs of the court in which she presided. She found these manners established. That in departing from the more correct deportment of her country women she departed from true policy. must be admitted; and it was admitted, for though it be known to few, yet we believe it The history of the late attack on Copenhato be a fact, that her mother went over from gen by the British may be told in a few words. England to her, privately, and remonstrated-Russia at the treaty of Tilsit, had been with her on her conduct, foretelling conse-drawn in by France to make a quences not unlike those that actually happened. We believe, we are correct, when we state, that the Princess Dowager was charged with a message from authority, on this occasion, as well as mduced by parental affection. The event is known to all the world: nevertheless part of its consequences are but shewing themselves, at this day. It would require too much both of space, and time, should we merely attempt to propose and justify those reasons which lead us to infer that the Crown Prince has never forgiven parts of the conduct of Britain towards himself, perhaps, before, or at the time, when he assumed the government of his country; certainly, on occasion of his irruption into Sweden, as an ally of Russia, when the British minister thwarted his projects, and stayed his progress, by that kind of force which attends negotiation, and not without threats of that kind of force which follows, | followed Russia as a Satellite, and dared not disobey the motions of her primary. This was effected, partly by the power of pensions paid by that court to the members of this government-regularly paid, for their votes. The same thing was done in Sweden; with little sensibility and less shame. common cause with her for the subjugation of Britain. The fleets of ALL the Baltic powers were to unite for this purpose; and to attack the northern parts of this kingdom, while Spain and Portugal were to furnish fleets for attacking the south. Aware of this plan, Britain offered Denmark her choice-friendship or enmity, if she chose friendship-then must enmity to France inevitably follow. She chose the friendship of France, or rather, perhaps, she chose to follow the lead of Russia; and the plans of Russia being inimical to Britain, Britain by force deprived Denmark of the power she possessed, and incapacitated her from executing that part of the plan which had been allotted to her. Britain waited several weeks for the decision of Denmark on this subject: she waited too, while the consent of Russia that Denmark should be friendly with Britain was solicited: but, that court determined to adhere to its recent engagements 1 with France, resolved that Denmark should oppose Britain, and this led the British power to attack Copenhagen, as the way to render the great plan abortive, by enfeebling a principal and active member of the confederacy, The consequence is, war between Britain and Denmark. This will endure so long as Russia pleases, and will end when the fiat from that power commands. Denmark is also engaged in war with Sweden--why?-because Russia is engaged in war with Sweden: and, why is Russia engaged in war with Sweden? because Sweden will not Russianize her ships and troops-will not render them subservient to Russian purposes.-The effect on Denmark is, to set aside all the advantages she has gained by her wise system of neutrality for many years. She will be impoverished, debilitated, divided: to serve whom?-the man who enjoys the mischiefs he occasions Buonaparté. FRANCE fact, the emperor and king, has found it necessary to anticipate the conscription for 1809, and thus are the number of youths unhappily. of age dragged to their destiny. If this was really in defence of their country, we should not describe this destiny as hard: but knowing as all the world knows, that their countrv needs them not in that character, but that they are so many sacrifices to ambition, bloody ambition, we cannot but regret their lot, personally, while we see in this annual destruction of its population, a part of that punishment on France which still attends the crimes attached to the revolution. France has succeeded in taking possession of Portugal, after having exiled her sovereign and royal family. The acquisition is not great to France, but the inconvenience is considerable to England. It is a loss to this country: but not of that magnitude as to humble Great Britain to the dust. It is a clear and undeniable proof that France refrains from no measures, with or without pretence, that seem to promise her advantage: her own advantage, often momentary, and very dearly purchased too, in the issue, is all she affects to seek. If any proof be desired,--look at Portugal. France has prepared the same consequences for Spain. The wonder is pretty general, that it has been so long postponed. We confess we expected it sooner and the delay leads us to conjecture, that impediments will arise to some one of the emperor's schemes, to which delay will prove fatal. France has planned further extension of her power toward the east; what will take place in that region, we cannot say, we must await events. Is pursuing a system which attempts to force all the world to its purposes. France has declared that she will suffer no neutrality: all powers must be her friends or her enemies. To ask, by what right France assumes this authority, is to provoke that most horrible of all provocations, a Frenchman's grin on a Corsican countenance. France has no right: but France has a certain degree of power: and this solves the question. It is the old Drawcansir principle: all this I do, because I dare." Had the nations of the earth a proper feeling on this 'occasion, they would unanimously resolve to have no intercouse with a nation capable of promulgating such arbitrary principles. France insists that all Europe shall shut its ports against British commodities. That Trance has a right to shut her own ports may be granted: but there ends her right. The enforcing this regulation on others is treating them as slaves. France insists on establishing the same principle on the ocean. She ordains that every vessel that has been visited by a British Cruizer, shall be lawful prize to her privateers. To ask by what means a defenceless merchant vessel, can refuse to be visited by a British ship of force, is to ask a rational question: and rationality is not the profession of France. Sic volo, sic jubeo: "I ordain, and appoint"-is all the reason and right of the case. Were not this matter too serious to the sufferers, nothing can be more ludicrous than the profession of France that this most horrible tyranny is instituted for the purpose of conquering the liberty of the seas"-what dread-order at the point of the bayonet. The want ful consequences have followed and continue to follow, French misapprehensions of liber On the internal state of France, we shall not venture an opinion, knowing the difficulty of giving a general notion of the whole, that may suit all its parts. Suspicion is no proof; else we might suspect, that the emperor's motions do not please all his subjects. This we know for certain, that not long ago, there was a commotion at Bourdeaux, the particulars of which we should have stated in some previous number of the Panorama, but that, unluckily, the writer had omitted to date his letter. From circum stances it must have been written about the close of the last year or the beginning of the present. Sixty thousand livres were distributed in the first instance among the populace, to moderate their violence; and in three days the city was filled with troops, who restored of employment, occasioned by the laying up of their shipping, and their non-exportation, we consider as having been a principal cause of this disturbance. In spite of the efforts of Buonaparté, we cannot learn that manufactures flourish in France more than before; |