the conclusion respecting peace. As you had given me a general permission I left with him a copy of the whole letter. Upon the occasion of this interview Lord Shelburne told me that he had made much enquiry in the offices for the correspondences and papers which had passed between the late ministry and me, but that he could not meet with them. He expressed a regret that he had not conversed with me at an earlier day; with many civilities of that kind. In short I had been backward to intrude myself, and he expressed regret that he had not sent to me. Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what had passed between the late ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the Breviate with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could, upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always had been, and always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power towards the work of peace. I the same to you. I do not believe that there is any difference in sentiment between you and me personally, in our own minds upon independence, &c. &c. But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment or of consent and dissent is vested in the community. Divide independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been heartily welcome to my share from the very beginning of the war. Divide Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of disposing of my share, than by offering it to France to abandon America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I can only answer for one portion. Let reason and equity decide in any such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive equal justice.

say

I agree with you, that the equitable and philosophical

principles of politics can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace, and that the contraries to them, though highly patronized by nations themselves, and their ministers, are no better than vulgar errors. But nations are slow to conviction from the personal arguments of individuals. They are "jealous in honor, seeking that bubble reputation even in the cannon's mouth." But until a confirmed Millennium founded upon wiser principles shall be generally established, the reputation of nations is not merely a bubble. It forms their real security. To apply this all in one word, let all nations agree with one accord to beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pruning hooks-orgive me wooden walls to Great Britain. I have nothing farther to add. My reason for writing this was just to communicate to you, in what position I had delivered over my conference and arguments with the late ministry into the hands of the present. And I will conclude with your own words: may God send us all more wisdom.

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I am ever most

affectionately yours,

D. HARTLEY.

"P. S. May 17, 1782. Since writing the above, I have likewise left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord Shelburne."

PRELIMINARIES.

May, 1782.

1." That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the thirteen provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and the said provinces, for

years. (Suppose ten or twenty years.)

2." That a negociation for peace shall bonâ fide be opened between Great Britain and the allies of America.

3. "If the proposed negociation between Great Britain

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and the allies of America, should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war should continue between the said parties, that America should act and be treated as a neutral nation.

4. "That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the allies of America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall be converted into a perpetual peace. The independence of America shall be admitted and guaranteed by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty settled between them.

5. "That these propositions shall be made to the court of France for communication to the American commissioners, and for an answer to the court of Great Britain."//

The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. He acquainted me that his courier was returned, and had brought him full powers to treat for a peace with France and her allies. That he had been to Versailles and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence which he was not to deliver till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him he would lay it before the king, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had arrived in London about an hour before the courier came away. That Mr. Fox in his letter had charged him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me he hoped I would never forget that he and I were of the same country. I answered that I should always esteem it an honor to be owned as a countryman by Mr. Fox. He had requested at our last interview that if I saw no impropriety in doing it, I would favor him with a sight of the treaty of alliance between France and America. I acquainted him that it was printed, but if he could not readily meet with a copy, I would have one written for him. And as he had

not been able to find one, I this day gave it to him. He lent me a London Gazette, containing Admiral Rodney's account of his victory over M. de Grasse, and the accounts of other successes in the East Indies, assuring me however that those events made not the least change in the sincere desire of his court to treat for peace.

me.

In the afternoon the Marquis de la Fayette called upon I acquainted him with what Mr. Grenville had told me respecting his confidential letter, and the expectation that a person on the part of this court would be sent to London with a commission similar to his. The Marquis told me that he was on his way to Versailles, and should see M. de Vergennes. We concluded that it would now be proper for him to make the proposition we had before talked of, that he should be the person employed in that service.

On Monday the 27th I received a letter from Mr. Jay dated the 8th, acquainting me, that he had received mine of the 21st and 22d past, and had concluded to set out for Paris about the 19th, so that he may be expected in a few days.

I dined this day with Count d'Estaing, and a number of brave marine officers that he had invited. We were all a little

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dejected and chagrined with the news. I mentioned by way of encouragement the observation of the Turkish Bashaw who was taken with his fleet at Lepanto by the Venetians. "Ships," says he," are like my master's beard, you may cut it, but it will grow again. He has cut off from your government all the Morea, which is like a limb that you will never recover." And his words proved true.

On Tuesday I dined at Versailles with some friends, so was not at home when the Marquis de la Fayette called to acquaint me, that M. de V. informed him that the full power received by Mr. Grenville from London, related to France only. The Marquis left for me this information, which I could not understand.

On Wednesday I was at court and saw the copy of the power. It appeared full with regard to treating with France, but mentioned not a word of her allies. And as M. de Ver gennes had explicitly and constantly from the beginning declared to the several messengers, Mr. Forth, Mr. Oswald, and Mr. Grenville, that France could only treat in concert with her allies, and it had in consequence been declared on the part of the British ministry, that they consented to treat for a general peace, and at Paris, the sending this partial power appeared to be invidious, and a mere invention to occasion delay, the late disaster to the French fleet having probably given the court of England fresh courage, and other views. M. de Vergennes said he should see Mr. Grenville on Thursday, and would speak his mind to him on the subject very plainly." They want," says he, "to treat with us for you; but this the King will not agree to. He thinks it not consistent with the dignity of your state. You will treat for yourselves: and every one of the powers at war with England will make its own treaty. All that is necessary to be observed for our common security is, that the treaties go hand in hand, and are signed all on the same day."

Prince Bariatinski, the Russian ambassador, was particularly civil to me this day at court; apologized for what had passed relating to the visit, expressed himself extremely sensible of my friendship in covering the affair, which might have occasioned to him very disagreeable consequences, &c. The Comte du Nord came to M. de Vergennes's while we were taking coffee after dinner. He appears lively and active. There was an opera at night for his entertainment. The house being richly finished with abundance of carving and gilding, well illuminated with wax tapers, and the company all superbly dressed, many of the men in cloth of tissue, and the ladies sparkling with diamonds, formed altogether the most splendid spectacle my eyes ever beheld.

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