combined, which the separate states of Europe possess distinctively in their own concerns, or nearly. Their industry, frugality, and habits of commerce may even carry them so far as to make them rivals to the Americans themselves, in the transportation of European merchandise to America. These faculties of commerce would have been of infinite importance to the American states, if the war had continued between Great Britain and them. But upon the event of peace it becomes a matter of the most perfect indifference to America, whether each European state navigates its own commerce into the ports of America, which will be open to all, or whether the commercial faculties of Holland enable her to exceed in rivalship her European neighbors, and thereby to navigate European goods to America beyond the proportion of her national share. The faculties of a nation of carriers may be fortunate for the marine of that nation, but considered in themselves, and with respect to other nations, they are but secondaries in commerce. They give no ground of reciprocities or participation. That one nation should say to another, You shall navigate all our rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places, if we may do the same in yours, is a proposition of reciprocity; but that Holland should say to America, We will bring European goods to you, or you may be your own carriers, is neither concession nor reciprocity. Holland is not a nation of rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places for the distribution of goods and manufactures for internal consumption, and therefore her reciprocities must be very scanty. Holland is the market-place of Europe, and the Dutch seamen are the carriers appertaining to that market-place. The admission of American ships to that market-place, freely to import and to export, is undoubtedly an act of reciprocity on the part of Holland, as far as it goes, but in no degree adequate to the unlimited participation of American commerce,

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throughout all the rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places of that vast continent. The commercial reciprocities of Holland therefore being inferior on her part towards America, the next point of view, in which Holland is to be considered, as relevant to this question, is as a nation of power, capable of becoming an effectual and permanent ally and guarantee to the American states; for that is the great object which America, as a wise nation, recently arisen into independence, ought to keep in view. Holland has certainly been a nation of great and celebrated naval force. She remains so still; but having for many years suspended her exertions of force, and having directed the faculties of her people into the commer cial line, she seems not to have any superfluity of force beyond the necessity of providing for her own security, and certainly no such redundance of power as to extend to the protection of distant nations as allies, or guarantees. It appears there fore, upon the whole of this argument, that Holland, although a commercial nation, cannot even interchange commercial reciprocities with America, upon an equal footing, and that her faculties of force are inadequate to those which America ought to expect in the permanent allies and guarantees of her country to boot N

The independence of the American states being established, their first consideration ought to be, to determine with what friendships and alliances they will enter into the new world of nations. They will look round them, and cast about for some natural, permanent, and powerful ally, with whom they may interchange all cementing reciprocities, both commercial and political. If such an ally be to be found any where for them, it is still in Great Britain; at least it is certain that, in looking round Europe, no other is to be found. There is no inherent impossibility to prevent such a connexion from taking place; it must depend upon the free-will and com

mon interest of the parties. There are all possible faculties on both sides to give and to receive all adequate and beneficial reciprocities, which are practicable, and more likely to be permanent between independent parties, than between two parties of which one is dependent on the other. Great Britain is undoubtedly the first of European nations in riches, credit, faculties, industry, commerce, manufactures, internal consumption and foreign export, together with civil liberty, which is the source of all, and naval power, which is the support of all. The dominions appertaining to the crown of Great Britain are large and fertile, its colonies still extensive and in close vicinity to the American states; Great Britain being an American as well as an European power, and all her empire connected by her naval force.

The territories of the American states, from the Atlantic ocean to the Mississippi, contain an inexhaustible source of riches, industry, and future power. These will be the foundation of great events in the new page of life. Infinite good or infinite evil may arise, according to the principles upon which the intercourse between Great Britain and America shall be arranged in its foundation. Great Britain and America must be still inseparable, either as friends or foes. This is an awful and important truth. These are considerations not to be thought of slightly, not to be prejudged in passion, nor the arrangements of them to be hastily foreclosed. Time given for consideration may have excellent effects on both sides. The pause of peace, with friendly intercourse, returning affection and dispassionate inquiry, can alone decide these important events, or do justice to the anxious expectations of Great Britain and America.

HENRY LAURENS, Esq. TO THE AMERICAN MINISTERS PLENIPOTENTIARY,

GENTLEMEN,

London, June 17, 1783. I had the honor of addressing you the 10th, immediately after my landing at Dover. As early as possible after my arrival here I obtained an interview with Mr. Secretary Fox, who was pleased to read to me part of his latest dispatches to Mr. Hartley, which he supposed would reach Paris on the 14th; 'tis probable, therefore, that before this time as much of the contents as is proper for your knowledge has been communicated.

"6 Reciprocity" since the 10th of April has undergone a certain degree of refinement; the definition of that term appears now to be possession of advantages on one side, and restrictions on the other. The Navigation Act is the vital of Great Britain "too delicate to bear a touch." The sudden and unexpected, perhaps illicit arrival of ships and cargoes from America, may have caused this change of tone. But you have heard in detail, and are more competent to judge.

From a desire of forming an opinion, I asked Mr. Fox whether he thought I might venture for a few days to take the benefit of Bath, and yet be in time enough at Paris for the intended commercial agreement? He replied, "I rather think you may." One need not be a conjurer to draw an inference; you will either have finished the business before I could travel to Paris, or without being missed there, I may go to Bath and repair my nerves.

In this state of uncertainty, when 'tis easy to perceive affec→ tions are not as we could wish them, nor quite so warm as we had been taught to believe, it would not be wise to commit the United States, wherefore I shall rest the business till I hear from you, or until a more favorable prospect, flattering my

self with hopes of your surmounting the late seeming difficulties; an inconvenience on your side is preferable to the hazard of a disgrace.

I am with great regard and respect, &c.

H. LAURENS.

HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. TO THE AMERICAN MINIS

GENTLEMEN,

a

TERS.

London, June 20, 1783.

Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing to you the 17th. You will recollect my suggestions, as soon as we perceived the falling off from those warm assurances which had been pressed in March and April-they were not ill founded; I delayed a week in hopes of intelligence, and left you with reluctance; the temper of the times forbids even an essay. What a happy country is this, where every thing pertaining to the public, is rendered to them in public newspapers! see the enclosed, containing nearly as accurate an account of certain recent occurrences, as if it had been penned by one of the parties. It might indeed have been made a little stronger. Modest men are sometimes restrained from attempting a public good, from a dread of the effects of envy, of being held up in an invidious light. It would be cruel to disturb them. I have learned nothing from America, save what you may have read in the prints. Tomorrow I shall proceed to Bath, and be waiting for intelligence as well from yourselves as from Congress. Some consolation arises from reflecting that while I am endeavoring to mend my health, you suffer no inconvenience from my absence. With sincere regard and respect, I have the honor to be,

Gentlemen, your obedient and most humble servant, HENRY LAURENS.