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with yours, to concert such measures for regulating the future intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, as by being consistent with the honor and interest of both, may tend to increase and perpetuate mutual confidence and goodwill. We must nevertheless candidly inform you, that we consider our commission as terminated, and therefore, without further authority from congress, will not be able to sign and conclude. All we can at present do is to confer with you, and recommend to congress such propositions as may appear to us to merit their assent. And we shall propose to them to send a commission to Europe without delay for these important purposes.

The unrestrained course already given by the states to the British commerce with them, and the unconditional liberation of prisoners, at a time when more caution would not have been singular, are marks of liberality and confidence, which we flatter ourselves will be equalled by the magnanimity of his majesty and the people of Great Britain.

We have communicated to congress the warm and repeated assurances with which you have officially honored us on these subjects; and we are persuaded that the period of their being realised, will have an auspicious and conciliating influence on all the parties in the late unhappy dissensions.

We have the honor to be, sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient and humble servants,

JOHN ADAMS,

B. FRANKLIN,

JOHN JAY.

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.

The enclosed letters, to you and to Mr. Fox, were

MY DEAR FRIEND,

written before I saw you yesterday.

On my return home last night I found dispatches from congress, which may remove the difficulties we were entangled with. Mr. Adams will be here this morning, when you will hear from us. I am ever yours sincerely,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, Sept. 6, 1783.

You have deceived

Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you would assure him, that my expressions of esteem for him are not mere professions. I really think him a great man; and I would not think so, if I did not believe he was at bottom, and would prove himself, a good one. Guard him against mistaken notions of the American people. yourselves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened people, with respect to our political interests, than perhaps any other under the heaven. Every man among us reads, and is so easy in his circumstances as to have leisure for conversations of improvement, and for acquiring information. Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are of small extent, though monstrously magnified by your microscopic newspapers. He who judges from them, that we are on the point of falling into anarchy, or returning to the obedience of Britain, is like one who, being shown some spots in the sun, should fancy that the whole disk would soon be overspread with them, and that there would be an end of day-light. The great body of intelligence among our people, surrounds and overpowers our petty dissensions, as the sun's great mass of fire diminishes and destroys his spots. Do not therefore any longer delay the evacuation of New York, in the vain hope of a new revolution in your favor, if such a hope has indeed had any effect in occasioning that delay. It

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is now nine months since the evacuations were promised. You expect with reason that the people of New York should do your merchants justice in the payment of their old debts; consider the injustice you do them in keeping them so long out of their habitations and out of their business, by which they might have been enabled to make payment.

There is no truth more clear to me than this, that the great interest of our two countries is, a thorough reconciliation. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and intercourse between us, can afford no advantage equivalent to the mischief they will do by keeping up ill humor and promoting a total alienation. Let you and I, my dear friend, do our best towards advancing and securing that reconciliation. We can do nothing that will in a dying hour afford us more solid satisfaction.

I wish you a prosperous journey, and a happy sight of your friends. Present my best respects to your good brother and sister, and believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

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(Enclosed in the foregoing.)

TO THE RIGHT HON. C. J. Fox, Esq.

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...I received in its time the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr. Hartley; and I cannot let him depart without expressing my satisfaction in his conduct towards us, and applauding the prudence of that choice which sent us a man possessed of such a spirit of conciliation, and of all that frankness, sincerity, and candor, which naturally produce confidence, and thereby facilitate the most difficult negociations. Our countries are now happily at peace, on which I congratulate you most cordially; and I beg you to

be assured, that as long as I have any concern in public affairs, I shall readily and heartily concur with you, in promoting every measure that may tend to promote the common

felicity.

With great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

To D. HARTLEY, ESQ.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.

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Enclosed I send you an extract of a letter to me from the president of congress, in which you will observe the moderate disposition of that body towards the loyalists, with the causes of aggravation in the people's resentments against them. I am always, invariably, yours most sincerely, B. FRANKLIN.

(Enclosed in the foregoing.)

EXTRACT of a LETTER from E. BOUDINOT, Esq. President of congress, to B. FRANKLIN, dated June 18, 1785. (Private.)

"You will receive herewith a number of our newspapers, in which are inserted many resolves, associations, &c. from all parts of the country, which I earnestly wish had not been made; but the truth is, that the cruelties, ravages, and barbarities of the refugees and loyalists, have left the people so sore that it is not yet time for them to exercise their good sense and cooler judgment; and this cannot take place while the citizens of New York are kept out of their city, and despoiled daily of their property, by the sending off their negroes by hundreds in the face of the treaty. It has been exceedingly ill-judged in the British to retain New York so

long, and to persist in sending away the negroes, as it has irritated the citizens of America to an alarming degree.

SIR,

To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

I am, &c."

Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.

We have the honor of transmitting herewith enclosed, a resolution of congress of the 1st May last, which we have just received.

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You will perceive from it that we may daily expect a commission in due form for the purposes mentioned in it, and we assure you of our readiness to enter upon the business whenever you may think proper.

We have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, sir, your most obedient and humble servants,

J. ADAMS,

B. FRANKLIN,
J. JAY.

(Enclosed in the foregoing.)

BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.

May 1, 1783.

On the report of a committee to whom was re

ferred a letter of Feb. 5, from the Hon. J. Adams;

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Ordered, That a commission be prepared to Messrs. John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, authorising them, or either of them in the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties, previous to its final conclusion: and in the mean time to enter into a commercial convention, to continue in force one year.

That the secretary for foreign affairs lay before congress

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