excellence for any one to presume to make | to prefer it to the one which he had sugmore than a few cursory observations in compliance with his duty and feelings. He should abstain from entering into any discussion on the propriety or impropriety of the late war; on the policy or impolicy, on the justice or injustice, of the belligerent, or as it was called, defensive system, which had carried our flag from the shore of the Decan to the banks of the Indus; which had, within a century, converted a small factory into a greater empire than was possessed by any European power; but he could not help lamenting the necessity of what was termed an irrepressible expansion;" for if that expansion should continue, if no check could be applied to it, he would defy any man to look at the map of Asia, and not see traced in unequivocal and transparent characters, an awful admonition, which it required no second Daniel to read and to interpret. His object in rising was, to concur with the motion of the right hon. gentleman, which proposed to confer the envied honour of the thanks of that House, on the commander, officers, and troops of the Indian army. He believed no army ever deserved them morethat no army was ever more distinguished for intelligence, valor, and general meritorious conduct. He was happy to have this opportunity, not only of paying a tribute of respect to his brother officers, but particularly to the officers of the East India company's service, many of whom he had known in conjoint service and on other occasions, and he had never known gentlemen who, from their information, varied knowledge, and general capacity, were more entitled to respect. With regard to the commander in chief, there could be but one sentiment. It was impossible not to contemplate with admiration his skill as a commander, and ability as an administrator; nor could we separate from our recollection his services as a British statesman, or virtues as a man. In each character, in every situation, he had founded indisputable titles to preeminent distinction; and his laurels would never fade, since the gratitude of the unfortunate, and the esteem of all who knew him, would minister to their growth and preservation. With regard to another transaction to which the right hon. gentleman had alluded, he approved of the course that had been adopted, and confessed that it had been done in so candid and manly a manner, that he was disposed now gested. He should, however, support the amendment of the noble lord, for it protected the character of the House from being committed, as it expressed no opinion which could prejudge the case in the opinion of the army and public. It afforded time for explanation of a transaction yet imperfectly known, and opportunity to a gallant officer, whose military services were undeniable, to show, as he earnestly hoped, that no part of his conduct had been at variance with the laws and feelings of his country. Sir James Mackintosh hoped the House would excuse him if he offered himself to its notice for a few moments. It was impossible that a more just or concise notion of a series of important events could have been communicated than in the clear, candid and eloquent statement of the right hon. gentleman. He fully concurred with every part of that admirable speech, reserving only the right of forming his opinion hereafter upon a proceeding with respect to which they had not at present adequate information. As to the praise bestowed on the skill and conduct of those officers who had conducted the late military operations, he felt no small satisfaction in declaring his most cordial concurrence therein. Every man who had known the marquis of Hastings as long as he had known him, must be gratified to join in any vote of thanks, so amply merited, to an amiable and generous individual. He was happy also to accord with the commendations passed on several officers, in whose society he had experienced much happiness, and with whom he had formed connexions which he hoped would not easily be dissolved. Sir John Malcolm and Mr. Elphinstone were men of whom any service might be proud. One of those gentlemen, although bred to the civil service, had, before he became a great general, shown himself to be a hero at the battle of Assaye. With regard to the eulogy so justly pronounced on captain Staunton, he doubted whether any exploit in modern war of a more brilliant character could be adduced. He agreed that it was right, in reference to the case of general Hislop, to allow him at present the benefit of all those presumptions in his favour which could arise from his own character, and from the approbation of lord Hastings. He believed, and he most sincerely hoped, that he would be able to explain the trans as action on which the House now found it | fatigable zeal and exertions throughout right to withhold the expression of any a long and eventful Campaign."-This opinion. As the case now appeared, it resolution was agreed to nem. con.; was certainly difficult either to justify or was also the following: "That this extenuate the proceeding. His anxiety House doth highly approve and acknowwas the greater on this occasion, because ledge the general discipline and bravery having had the honour to administer jus- displayed by the Non-Commissioned tice in that country, he felt an inviolable Officers and Private Soldiers, both Euobligation imposed on him to see the ropean and Native, employed in the late rights of the Indian population protected, Campaign in the East Indies; and that but above all, those rights of civilized the same be signified to them by the war, which were the more valuable in Commanders of the several Corps, who their preservation, as they went to bound are desired to thank them for their galand limit the greatest of all possible evils lant behaviour." [Hear, hear!]. Sir W. Burroughs denied, that during the last five-and-twenty years any of the wars in India had been caused by British aggression. The thanks of the House were, however, due for military services, independently of the justice or policy of the war. No praise, indeed, could be too high for the zeal and energy with which our affairs had been administered in that part of the world. We held our conquests there, as no empire was ever before maintained in security. No Marius or Sylla had ever sprung up among the subjugated nations, because they were mildly governed, and because the army was chiefly composed of native levies. The great emigration from neighbouring states into our territory was a convincing proof of the beneficial influence of our government. Lord Morpeth, in rising to move the resolution of which he had given notice, said, that as he did not anticipate any objection, he should not detain the House by any farther observations. He only availed himself of this opportunity to declare, that no hon. gentleman opposite, he might even say no friend of sir Thomas Hislop, could be more sincerely desirous than himself, that this proceeding should receive the most satisfactory explanation. He then moved, "That this House, in resolving to give its Thanks to lieutenant-general sir Thomas Hislop for his military services, does not thereby intend to express any opinion respecting the Execution of the Killedar of the Fort of Talneir, of the particulars of which transaction the House is not yet in possession of satisfactory information."Agreed to. The vote of thanks to the marquis of Hastings was then agreed to nem. con. BANKRUPTCY COMMISSIONERS COURT.] Mr. Canning, on proposing the second Mr. Wrottesley reminded the House resolution, expressed his hope that no in- that he had last session been the cause of ference would be drawn from the present a committee being appointed to inquire selection of names, derogatory to the into the expediency of removing the sitmerits of those who were not mentioned tings of bankrupt commissioners from in the enumeration. It was not usual to Guildhall to some other place. All had include brigadier-generals in such a vote, not agreed that they ought to be removed, but he had gone out of the ordinary but no one had denied that there was not course so far as to comprehend sir John sufficient accommodation for them in Malcolm and general Smith: and he hoped Guildhall. He was of opinion that they that, when the state of the Indian army might be advantageously removed to was considered, no objection would be Furnival's-inn. He did not scruple to say made to this deviation. He then moved, that the savings which would arise from "That the Thanks of this House be the change he proposed, would, in a few given to lieut. general sir Thomas Hislop, years, cover the expense of providing a K. B.; major-generals sir Dyson Marshall, building fit in every respect, for the reK.B.; sir Rufane Shaw Donkin, K.C.B.; sir ception of the commissioners. He then William Grant Keir, and Thomas Browne, moved, "That a Select Committee be brigadier-generals Thomas Munro, C. B.; appointed, to consider of a proper piece John Doveton, C. B.; sir John Malcolm, of ground for erecting a suitable building K. C. B.; Lionel Smith, C. B.; and to the for holding the public and private meetseveral Officers engaged in the late opera-ings of the commissioners of bankruptcy, tions in the East-Indies, for their inde- and for the transactions of all business in bankruptcy; and that they do report the same, with their opinion thereupon, to the House." Mr. J. Smith thought the motion unnecessary, as the city of London had offered Blackwell-hall for the purpose. Mr. Alderman Wood believed this motion was brought forward on some speculation connected with Furnival's-inn. It would be inconvenient to remove the sittings of the commissioners from where they had always been held. Mr. Alderman Waithman opposed the motion. The commissioners were, in his opinion, too numerous, and he could wish them reduced from seventy-two to six or or eight. The want of accommodation of which they complained might be in part removed by themselves, if they would appoint different hours for the meetings of creditors. Mr. Courtenay was astonished at the opposition which this motion had received, since it was admitted that at present the commissioners had not proper accommodation. Mr. Wilson said, if the city did not give the piece of ground they had offered, then it would be proper to send the subject to a committee. At present he objected to the motion. Mr. Harvey showed the present system to be very defective altogether, but could not think it would be an advantage to transfer the sittings of the commissioners to Furnival's-inn. The House divided: For the motion, 67; Against it, 22. A committee was accordingly appointed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, March 5. COAL DUTIES.] Mr. E. Littleton said, he held in his hands petitions from several parishes in Staffordshire, praying that no alteration might take place on the duty on coal. He would enter into no discussion on the subject, as he was quite satisfied with the declaration of the chancellor of the exchequer last night, that he would · oppose any motion for a committee. Sir C. Burrell condemned the system of giving one part of the country an exemption at the expense of the rest. Not long ago, for the sake of a few counties interested in rock salt, a great portion of the country was subjected to considerable sacrifices. In like manner, the iron manufacturers now wished to enjoy an im munity from taxation at the expense of the inhabitants of the coast. He hoped, however, a committee would be appointed to investigate the subject thoroughly. Mr. Cripps said, if the measure of an equalization were carried into effect, it would be attended with the most ruinous consequences to the large establishments of Yorkshire and Gloucestershire. Mr. Barham said, there were but two questions to be considered; one, whether the petitions should be brought up; the other, whether they should be laid on the table. If gentlemen did not mean to object to either of these stages, he thought it was irregular to enter into discussion on the subject. Mr. Lambton said, it was perfectly competent to any member, on an occasion like the present, to discuss any subject in the body of the petition, or any statement made by the member who presented it. This was a question of the greatest importance to many parts of the country, and the constituents of many members were deeply interested in it. These members would not do their duty to their constituents if they did not second their wishes. The hon. member for Staffordshire had done his duty to his constituents -he had raised a cry against the measure of an equalization, by which, according to him, the country would be ruined. His "country" consisted of a few ironmongers, who naturally enough wished to remain exempted from a tax which pressed heavily on others. But, whatever might be the case with respect to the iron manufacturers, the poor of the county of Stafford, so far from being injured by an equalization, would be greatly benefited by it. They would obtain coals cheaper in consequence of the equalization, as there would then be a free market. 4 Mr. Philips said, it would be very unfair to subject those manufacturers which had grown up under the exemption, to a taxation on coal. But the manufacturers, while they opposed the imposition of a tax on themselves, did not wish the continuance of the tax on the districts on which it already operated. If, instead of contending for an equalization of the tax, these districts proposed the repeal of it, they would meet with very general support. There never was a tax imposed more at variance with all the principles of economical science. There were, therefore, the best reasons why the tax should not exist at all. But an equalization would produce a very different effect from what many of the petitioners for it expected. One of the causes of the great superiority of our manufactures was, the abundance and cheapness of coal. In several manufactures, a very slight tax on coal would be attended with ruinous effects. Mr. Alderman Wood contended, that the object of the inland manufacturers, judging from their petitions, was, that there should be no alteration in the duty at all. He maintained that a duty of 1s. on the ton of coals at the pit's mouth, would only add 4s. to the price of the ton of iron. The iron manufacturers knew that this could easily be proved in a committee, and therefore they endeavoured by clamour to prevent the appointment of a committee. Mr. Dickinson said, he should oppose the measure of going into a committee. What ground was there for going into a committee? The tax was imposed under ancient acts of parliament, and the citizens of London had acquired and rented their properties with the knowledge of this burthen. Mr. E. Littleton said the hon. member for Durham had intimated, early in the session, that he intended to bring in a bill on this subject. He wished to know when it was proposed to carry this intention into execution. Mr. Lambton said, he had not yet communicated with his constituents on the subject; but the member for Surrey had given notice of his intention to propose a bill. Ordered to lie on the table. LIMERICK ELECTION PETITION OF MR. SPRING RICE.] Mr. Abercromby presented a petition from Thomas Spring Rice, esq. the unsuccessful petitioner, against the return of the sitting member for the city of Limerick. He believed there was but one feeling in the House as to the hardship of the petitioner's case. The petitioner, however, did not now come forward with any expectation of redress, but to draw the attention of the House to the defective state of the existing law. Sir John Newport knew not whether redress could be given to the petitioner; but it became him to say, that provision should be made to prevent a recurrence of such a case in future. The act said, that a copy of the poll, verified by the clerk of the peace, and deposited among (VOL. XXXIX.; the records, should be considered sufficient evidence. But, what he wished particularly to call the attention of the House to, was, that the committee had ordered the poll-clerk to be brought over. What would be the consequence of such a precedent? Thirty or forty poll-clerks would have to be called over from Ireland on every future petition against an election. He wished the decisions to be reduced to one definite rule, and not left to the discretion of a committee: he wished that the petitioners should not be left to as many conflicting opinions as there were members in the committee. Colonel Barry hoped that some legislative enactment would be made on the subject. Mr. Sturges Bourne was free to admit the excessive hardship of the petitioner's case; but there was no evidence before the committee that the poll-books were genuine, and though the petitioner requested that the committee would apply to adjourn for ten days, to enable him to procure witnesses from Ireland, yet the committee felt, that in yielding to this request they would have done injustice to the sitting members, who had witnesses in London at a great expense. Mr. Abercromby disclaimed all intention of making any illiberal remarks on the members of the committee. The tendency of his observations was, to amend the law. Mr. Wynn deprecated discussion on this subject at present. He thought that the petition, although it only prayed for the amendment of the law, implied a reflection on the committee. Fifteen gentlemen, sitting on oath, bad come to a decision, and it was not fit that that decision should be questioned. It was at present inconvenient to discuss the propriety of amending the law, and it was at all events unnecessary, as the House had ordered the minutes, and notice had been given of a motion to amend the act. Ordered to lie on the table. HALF-PAY OFFICERS.] Mr. Lyttelton wished to ask the noble lord opposite whether any resolution had been come to regarding the oath to be taken by officers on half-pay, at the time of receiving their half-pay? Lord Palmerston said, he had not been able to give a satisfactory answer last session to a similar question from the hon. gentleman; but he now had it in his power to tell the hon. member, that it had (3 M) been thought expedient so far to relax the rule referred to, that whereas by the present regulation no officer could receive his half-pay without making an affidavit that he held no other place of emolument, civil or military, under his majesty, it had been resolved to substitute an oath, that he held no office, civil or military, under the crown, exceeding three times the amount of his half-pay, which was computed to be equal to about twice the amount of his full pay; and considering that the greater number of officers, particularly inferior ones, had little chance of future employment, he hoped the House would not look upon the amended regulation as too liberal. Mr. Lyttelton said, the answer of the noble lord was entirely satisfactory. HOUSE OF LORD S. Monday, March 8. these poor creatures were exposed, when they had it in their power to relieve them. This bill had been called a violent interference with the rights of individuals. On his part, he considered it a necessary measure, to protect from violence innocent children. With regard to the question of safety, it had been found that all chimnies, except a few in the houses of the rich, could be swept by machines of one kind or another. It was, indeed, thought by some, that after the introduction of machinery, boys would still be necessary to examine chimnies; but if that should be the case, it would be a less evil than the present practice. An order had been issued to the surveyor-general of the board of works, to ascertain the practicability of superseding the necessity of employing climbing boys in the sweeping chimnies by the use of machinery, and to the result of the experiments made under that order he could with confidence refer. Though colonel Stephenson thought it impossible to sweep all chimnies at present with machinery, yet, as there were but few flues to which some sort of machinery might not be applied, and these were all in the houses of the rich, it was obvious, that all the necessary alterations could easily be made before the period of the operation of this bill arrived. He had remarked, that those who doubted the practicability of the abolition of climbing-boys were chiefly those who had least experience on the subject. This might be illustrated by reference to the report. It would there be seen that Mr. Davis, who had been employed to make the experiments, spoke with the greatest confidence of the application of machinery. That gentleman had divided the flues at present in use into four classes, according to the order of their construction and the difficulty of clearing them, and it was worthy of remark that the constructions which were most easily cleaned were the most numerous. The relative proportion of the different classes of flues were thus stated Out of 1,000 flues, there were of the first class 910, of the second 50, of the third 30, and of the fourth or most difficult only 10. It had been stated in the evidence of last year, by gentlemen on the part of the insurance companies, that if machinery was used it would be necessary that climbing-boys should examine the chimnies after they were swept. This was provided for by the present bill. He might be asked, of what use then was CHIMNEY SWEEPERS' REGULATION BILL.] Lord Auckland, in rising to move the second reading of this bill, expressed his sincere hope that time and reflection had removed the objections which existed to this measure in the last session. The present bill was the same, with the exception of a few clauses, as that which had then come before their lordships, and the consideration of those clauses he should reserve for the committee. The principal means by which the object of this bill was proposed to be attained, was, by repealing the act of the 28th of the king, and limiting the number of apprentices. After the 1st of May 1821, the use of climbing-boys, except for the purpose of examining chimnies, would be done away altogether. This prohibition naturally gave rise to two questions; first, whether it was necessary for the protection of the boys employed in sweeping chimnies; and, secondly, whether it was consistent with the security of houses against fire, that it should be enforced. Upon the first of these questions he could not anticipate any difference of opinion it was impossible to see the by Mr. Davis. : unfortunate children to whom the bill applied, hourly in the streets, without experiencing the most painful emotions. Who could read the evidence which detailed the great privations and distress which they endured, without wishing to rescue them from such a state of degradation and misery? Their lordships would never permit their fellow creatures to continue subject to such tortures as those to which |