I propose (and this also is the case in Prussia) that every boy educated at the popular schools shall learn the simpler elements of agricultural and manual science, that he shall acquire the habit, the love, and the aptitude of work; that the first lesson in his moral code shall be that which teaches him to prize independence, and that he shall practically obey the rule of his catechism, and learn to get his own living.

Thus then, briefly to sum up, the heads of the National Education I would propose for England are these:

1st. It shall be the business of the state, confided to a Minister and a subordinate Board, who shall form in our various counties and parishes, committees with whom they shall correspond, who shall keep a vigilant eye on the general working, who shall not interfere vexatiously with peculiar details.-The different circumstances in different localities must be consulted, and local committees are the best judges as to the mode. I propose that the education be founded on religion; that one or more ministers of the Gospel be in every committee; that every sectarian pupil shall receive religious instruction from a priest of his own persuasion.

I propose that at every school for the poor, the art and habit of an industrious calling make a necessary part of education.

A report of the working, numbers, progress, etc. of the various schools in each county should be yearly published; so emulation is excited, and abuse prevented. If the state prescribe a certain form of education, it need not prescribe the books or the system by which it shall be acquired.

To avoid alike the rashness of theories, and the unimprovable and lethargic adherence to blind custom, each schoolmaster desirous of teaching certain books, or of following peculiar systems such as those of Hamilton, Pestalozzi, &c. shall state his wish to the committee of the county, and obtain their consent to the experiment; they shall visit the school and observe its success: if it fail, they can have the right to prohibit; if it work well, they can have the power to recommend it. So will time, publicity, and experience have fair and wide scope in their natural result, viz. the progress to perfection.

But, above all things, to obtain a full and complete plan of education, there should be schools for teachers. The success of a school depends upon the talent of the master; the best system is lifeless if the soul of the preceptor fail. Each county, therefore, should establish its school for preceptors to the pupils; a preference shall be given to the preceptors chosen from them at any vacancies that occur in the popular schools for children. Here, they shall not only learn to know, but also learn to teach, two very distinct branches of instruction. Nothing so rare at present as competent teachers. Seminaries of this nature have been founded in most countries where the education of the people has become of importance. In America, in Switzerland, lately in France, and especially in Germany, their success has everywhere been eminent and rapid. In Prussia M. Cousin devoted to the principal schools of this character, the most minute

*

vicious ignorance of a vast class of females everywhere. Mothers have often a greater moral effect upon children than the fathers; if the child is to be moral, provide for the morals of the mother.

• In England, also, certain private associations have tacitly confessed the expediensy of such institutions.

personal attention.

He gives of them a detailed and highly interesting descrip

tion. He depicts the rigid and high morality of conduct which makes a necessary and fundamental part of the education of those who are designed to educate others; and the elaborate manner in which they are taught the practical science of teaching. On quitting the school they undergo an examination both on religious and general knowledge; the examination is conducted by two clergymen of the faith of the pupil, and two laymen. If he pass the ordeal, the pupil receives a certificate, not only vouching for the capabilities and character of the destined teacher and his skill in practical tuition, but, annexing also an account of the exact course of studies he has undergone.

An institution of this nature cannot be too strongly insisted upon. † In vain shall we build schools if we lack competent tutors. Let me summon Mr. Crook, the Clerk of St. Clement's Parish, in a portion of the evidence on the Poor-laws, which as yet is unpublished. It gives an admirable picture of a schoolmaster for

the poor.

"One master was employed in keeping an account of the beer, and it was found that he had not only got liquors supplied to himself by various publicans, and charged an equivalent amount of beer to the parish, but had received money regularly, aud charged it under the head of beer. It was believed that his scholars had been made agents in the negotiation of these matters!"

So, in fact, the only thing the Pupils learnt from this excellent pedagogue was the rudiments of swindling!

The order of schools established should be:

1. Infant Schools. These are already numerous in England, but immeasurably below the number required. In Westminster alone, there are nearly 9000 children from two to six years old, fit for infant schools-there are only about 1000 provided with these institutions. Their advantage is not so much in actual education (vulgarly so called) as in withdrawing the children of the poor from bad example, obscene language, the neglect of parents who are busy, the contamination of those who are idle;-lastly, in economy. ‡

The law even enjoins careful selection as to the town or neighbourhood in which the seminaries for teachers shall be placed; so that the pupils may not easily acquire from the inhabitants any habits contrary to the spirit of the moral and simple life for which they are intended.

Insisted upon for the sake of religion as well as of knowledge. Hear the enlightened Cousin again: "The destined teachers of popular schools, without being at all Theologians, ought to have a clear aud precise knowledge of Christianity, its history, its doctrines, and above all, its morals; without this, they might enter on their mission without being able to give any other religious instruction than the recitation of the catechism, a most insufficient lecture ;"-Perhaps the only, certainly the best, one our poor children receive. People seem, with us, to think the catechism every thing! they might as well say, the accidence was every thing! the catechism is at most the accidence of religion!

On this head, read the following extract from the unpublished evidence of Mr. Smart of Bishopsgate :

"Do you find the Infant Schools serviceable in enabling the mothers of the working class to work more, and maiutain themselves better?

"That is my opinion. They are enabled to go out and work, when, if there were no such schools, they would be compelled to attend to their children, and would more frequently apply to the parish. I conclude this to be the case from the constant declarations of those mothers who have children, and are not able to send them to school. They say they must have assistance from the parish, on account of having to attend to their children There

2. Primary or Universal Schools, to which Labour Schools should be attached, or which should rather combine the principle of both.

These schools might, as in Prussia, be divided into two classes, of a higher and lower grade of education; but at the onset, I think one compendious and common class of school would be amply sufficient, and more easily organized throughout the country.

3. Sunday Schools. Of these, almost a sufficient number are already established. And, 4. Schools for teachers.

But how are such schools to be paid and supported? That difficulty seems to be obviated much more easily than our statesmen are pleased to suppose. In the first place, there are, in all, 450 endowed grammar-schools throughout England and Wales. The greater part of these, with large funds, are utterly useless to the public. I say at once and openly, that these schools, intended for the education of the people, ought to be applied to the education of the people-they are the moral property of the State, according to the broad intention of the founders.

Some persons have endeavoured to create embarrassments in adapting these schools to use, by insisting on a strict adherence to the exact line and mode of instruction specified by the endowers. A right and sound argument if the principle But is the principle preserved ?—is know

of the endower had been preserved. ledge taught ? If not, shall we suffer the principle to be lost, because we insist on rigidly preserving the details? Wherever time has introduced such abuses as have eaten and rusted away the use itself of the establishment, we have before us this option: Shall we preserve, or shall we disregard the main intention of the Donor-Education? If it be our duty to regard that before all things, it is a very minor consideration whether we shall preserve the exact details by which he desired his principle to be acted upon. Wherever these details are inapplicable, we are called upon to remodel them*-if this be our duty to the memory of the individual, what is our duty to the State? Are we to suffer the want of an omniscient providence in founders of Institutions two or three

are many of the families who reside out of the parish, at too great a distance for their infant children to come to their parish school."

"From the whole of your observations, do you consider the general establishment of infant and other schools a matter of economy, viewing their operation only with relation to the parish rules, and the progress of pauperism?

"I have no doubt whatever of it, viz. that their effects are immediately economical merely in a pounds shillings and pence point of view, for 1 am convinced that, great as the account of pauperism now is, the claims upon the parish funds would be much greater, but for the operation of these schools. Ultimately their effects will be more considerable, preventing the extension of pauperism."

* The absurd injustice of those who insist on an exact adherence to the original form and stipulation of endowments when they prejudice the poor, is grossly apparent in their defence of a departure from, not only the form and detail, but even the spirit and principle of an endowment, where the rich are made the gainers. These gentlemen are they who defend the departure from the express law of schools that, like the Winchester and Charter-house foundations, were originated solely for the benefit of "poor and indigent scholars," a law so obviously clear in some foundations, that it imposes upon the scholar an actual oath that he does not possess in the world more than some petty sum-I forget the exact amount-but it is under six pounds. The scholar thus limited, probably now enjoys at least some two or three hundred a-year! If we insisted upon preserving the exact spirit of this law,—the original intention of the founders,-these gentlemen would be the first to raise a clamour at our injustice!

hundred years old to bind generation after generation to abused and vitiated systems? Is the laudable desire of a remote ancestor to perpetuate knowledge, to be made subservient to continuing ignorance? Supposing the Inquisition had existed in this country, if a man, believing in the necessity of supporting Religion, had left an endowment to the Inquisition, ought we rigidly to continue endowments to the Inquisition, by which Religion itself in the after-age suffered instead of prospering? The answer is clear-are there not Inquisitions in knowledge as in religion are we to be chained to the errors of the middle ages? No-both to the state and to the endowment, our first duty is to preserve the end-knowledge. Our second duty, the result of the first, is, on the evidence of flagrant abuse, to adapt the means to the end.

The greater part of these grammar-schools may then be consolidated into the state system of education, and their funds, which I believe the vigilance of the state would double, appropriated to that end. Here is one source of revenue, and one great store of materials. In the next place, I believe that if religion were made a necessary part of education, the managers of the various schools now established by the zeal and piety of individuals would cheerfully consent to co-operate with the general spirit and system of the State Board of Education. In the third place, the impetus, and fashion, and moral principle of education once made general, it would not lack individual donations and endowments. M. Cousin complains that in France the clergy are hostile to popular education; happily with us we have no such ground of complaint. Fourthly, No schools should be entirely gratuitous-the spirit of independence cannot be too largely fostered throughout the country-the best charity is that which puts blessings within the reach of labour-the worst is that which affects to grant them without the necessity of labour at all. The rate of education should be as low as possible, but as a general system, something should be paid by the parents. Whatever deficit might remain, it seems to me perfectly clear that the sources of revenue I have just specified would be more than amply sufficient to cover. Look at the schools already established in England-upon what a foundation we commence!

The only schools which it might be found necessary to maintain at the public charge, either by a small county rate, or by a parliamentary grant yearly afforded, would be those for Teachers: the expense would be exceedingly trifling. One word more the expense of education well administered is wonderfully small in comparison to its objects.

About 1,500,000 children are educated at the Sunday-schools in Great Britain at an expense of 2s. each per annum. In the Lancasterian system-the cheapest of all-(but if the experiment of applying it to the higher branches of education be successful, it may come to be the most general)—it is calculated that 1000 boys are educated at an expense not exceeding 300l. a year. Now suppose there are four millions of children in England and Wales to be educated (which, I apprehend, is about the proportion), the whole expense on that system would be only

* The system in the case of actual paupers might be departed from, but with great caution; and masters should be charged to take especial care that the children of paupers shall be taught the habits and customs of industry, as well as the advantages of independence.

†This might be advisable, for the sake of maintaining parliamentary vigilance, and attracting public opinion.

1,200,000l. a year I strongly suspect that if the funds of the various endowed grammar-schools were inquired into, they alone would exceed that sum: to say nothing of the sums paid by the parents to the schools.

So much for the state of popular education-for its improvement-for the outline of a general plan-for the removal of sectarian obstacles-for the provision of the necessary expenses. I do not apologize to the public, for the length to which I have gone on this vast and important subject-the most solemn-the most interesting that can occupy the mind of the patriot, the legislator, and the Christian. In the facts which I have been the instrument of adducing from the tried and practical system of Prussia-I think I do not flatter myself in hoping that I have added some of the most useful and instructive data to our present desire, and our present experience, of Practical Education.

Ir is no light task to give an abridged view of the philosophical opinions of one, who attempted to place the vast subjects of morals and legislation upon a scientific basis: a mere outline is all that can be attempted.

The first principles of Mr. Bentham's philosophy are these ;-that happiness, meaning by that term pleasure and exemption from pain, is the only thing desirable in itself; that all other things are desirable solely as means to that end that the production, therefore, of the greatest possible happiness, is the only fit purpose of all human thought and action, and consequently of all morality aud government; and moreover, that pleasure and pain are the sole agencies by which the conduct of mankind is in fact governed, whatever circumstances the individual may be placed in, and whether he is aware of it or not.

Mr. Bentham does not appear to have entered very deeply into the metaphysical grounds of these doctrines; he seems to have taken those grounds very much upon the showing of the metaphysicians who preceded him. The principle of utility, or, as he afterwards called it, "the greatest-happiness principle," stands no otherwise demonstrated in his writings, than by an enumeration of the phrases of a different description which have been commonly employed to denote the rule of life, and the rejection of them all, as having no intelligible meaning, further than as they may involve a tacit reference to considerations of utility. Such are the phrases" law of nature," "right reason," "natural rights," "moral sense." All these Mr. Bentham regarded as mere covers for dogmatism; excuses for setting up one's own ipse dixit as a rule to bind other people. "They consist, all of them,"