At the time appointed by his Lordship I repaired to his office and found him ready to receive me, when I approached and handed him my Credentials and observed "I have the honor to be the bearer of this letter from his Excellency the President of Texas to your Lordship, accrediting me as the Agent of that Republic to her Majesty's Government." He took the letter and read it carefully, and then asked me some questions concerning the route which I had traveled from Texas, which I understood to be designed to draw from me the fact, whether or not I had visited Washington City. I replied to this question distinctly that I had only passed by New Orleans, Charleston and Philadelphia to New York in order to sail in one of the New York and Liverpool packets, as the most expeditious route from N. Orleans to this place, with which he was evidently satisfied.

I then observed to his Lordship that the immediate object of my visit was to procure the recognition of the Independence of Texas by her Majesty's Government, and that I hoped to be able to satisfy her Majesty and her Cabinet, that the Government of Texas was capable of maintaining her declaration of Independence, and of performing all of the duties of an Independent Power, and to remove any other objections which might exist. He observed that it was an important matter and one that would require consideration and the action of the whole Cabinet; he then alluded to the treaties which now exist between England and Mexico. To which I replied that I was aware of the existence of friendly commercial Treaties between the two countries, but that I was not aware that those treaties contained any clause which would forbid England from pursuing the same course towards Texas which the law and practice of Nations sanctioned in all similar cases, and which she had acted upon in may instances, as in the case of Mexico herself and that I did not consider that England was in any manner bound either by the laws of Nations or by treaties with Mexico to withhold her recognition of the independence of Texas after she was satisfied that the power of Mexico no longer existed in Texas-that there was no rule of National Law, which could compel England or any other Government to deny to itself the opportunity of extending its commerce with Texas or reaping any other advantage which would arise from establishing friendly relations with her as an independent power, barely because a friendly treaty of commerce was in existence between her and Mexico from which Texas had seperated. All of which his Lordship agreed to and observed "That the Government of England has allways acted upon these principles and that Mexico herself had claimed and received the benefit of this Law-that England was governed very much by the same rules in such cases as the United States had adopted." To which I replied that I was aware of that fact and that the United States Government had, after viewing the contest closely

and critically in Texas, and sending a secret Agent to inquire into our situation etc formally acknowledged the independence of Texas; here his Lordship evidently discovered that he had committed himself and his Government, and either feigned or was really ignorant that the United States had formally acknowledged the independence of Texas; but I assured him that such was the fact, and that our Minister had been formally received at Washington

His Lordship then stated some nearly similar reasons to those I myself urged as above stated, showing how England and other powers might regard the claims of Texas to recognition, and why they might be induced to recognize he[r] immediately, but at the same time observed that these were bare suggestions of his mind, and should not be regarded as the convictions of her Majesty's Government. His Lordship then asked me what was the extent of the Territory of Texas-the size of her rivers-the description of her Harbours-Extent of her coast etc etc to all of which I replied in the most particular manner and referred to the Map of Texas which lay on his table. He then asked me what was the number of inhabitants in Texas and their description-to which I replied that I would estimate the number at one hundred and twenty or twenty five thousand, and that the rapidity with which it was now increasing had scarcely a parallel in the settlement of any country, and that they were generally young and enterprizing men, mostly able to bear arms, that in my estimate I did not include the families of our Citizens who had not yet been moved to the country. He then observed that he beleived Texas had made application to be admitted into the Union of the North American States. To this I replied that it was true that the people of Texas shortly after the invasion by Genl. Santa Anna and before they had time to view their true situation calmly-when they were much weaker in numbers than are at present and still apprehended danger from another invasion by Mexico, and before the present constitutional Government was organized and put in successful operation, had by a large majority expressed their opinion in favor of Annexation; but that the President of the United States had refused to entertain the proposition, which the Minister of Texas at that Court had made founded on the expression of public sentiment in Texas as above stated. He then observed that he supposed that the disposition of the People of Texas to be annexed to the United States decreased in proportion to their increased confidence in their own strength and ability to maintain their own independence—to which I readily assented and at the same time observed that the people of Texas were aware that they would possess many advantages as an independent Nation, which they could not enjoy as an integral part of the United States-that as an independent Nation, they would not be subject to be agitated by the local jealousies and strug

gle for political ascendency between the North and the South, which has so long disturbed the harmony of the States-that Texas never could be a manufacturing nor a commercial people, at least so far as the Carrying Trade was concerned, that it would be greatly to her interest to be able to open her ports to every nation, and invite the manufacturies of every country to equal competition in our markets, and exchange with us the manufactured article for the raw materiel, some of which we could supply in the greatest abundance,—that as an independent power, we would be free from the operation of the protective Tariff which had so long oppressed the Southern planting States of the Union, that England then could come into our markets on a perfect equality with the Northern States and that considering the low price of labor in this Country, they could drive from our markets the manufactured articles of all other countries and also engross the carrying trade of Texas,-that the great abundance of the best live oak in the world, which was to be found near the sea coast on all of our Rivers, would furnish increased facilities to any country which traded with us for ship building. To all of which his Lordship gave his most profound attention. He then enquired of me concerning the amount of cotton Lands in Texas to which I answered that we had more good Cotton land, than was to be found in the whole United States and that in twenty years we could pro⚫duce more Cotton and of a finer staple than was now raised in the United States. He then observed rather archly that he believed we had abolished slavery in Texas. To which I replied that such was not the case, and that notwithstanding Mexico had long since abolished slavery throughout her whole dominions on paper that it was nevertheless true, that that Government permitted it still to exist in Texas; and at least indirectly sanctioned the introduction of slaves into Texas from Africa through the Spanish West Indies, and that when Texas was compelled to separate from Mexico and assume the reins of Government she found herself in her present peculiar situation so far as slavery in that country was concerned that inasmuch as a portion of her citizens were found with slaves in their possession, some residing in the heart of the Republic, others near the Borders of the United States, on what was considered to be disputed territory and ready either to profess allegiance to Texas and assist in putting down the usurpations of Mexico, or to claim protection from the United States, it was deemed best to allow things to remain as they found them and not do any act which would weaken the strength of the revolutionary party-that the Government of Texas had remedied the evil as far as it safely could under the circumstances in which it found itself placed at the commencement of the Revolution,—that it had done away with the greatest evil which existed, whilst we were under the Government of Mexico in regard to

slavery in Texas, which was the introduction of African slaves, an evil which Mexico permitted, if she did not also encourage—that our constitution forbid the introduction of slaves from any other part of the world except the United States of North America and that by a law of Congress passed at the first session of the first Congress of Texas, the penalty of death was imposed upon any person who should introduce a slave from any other country than the United States, and that in all cases where slaves were brought even from the United States to Texas, they must have been slaves according to the laws of the State from which they were brought, that notwithstanding a few slaves had been taken into Texas from Africa, through Cuba whilst we were under the Mexican Government, yet none had been taken in since the people of Texas had taken the Government into their own hands, that Mexico never had the ability or the disposition to put a stop to the African slave trade in Texas-that even regarding the situation of Texas alone on this subject the philanthropic mind would find more abundant reasons to favour the continuance of the present authorities, than encourage the re-establishment of the dominion of Mexico over us that we had requested the Government of the United States to guard the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, whilst our navy was otherwise engaged so as to prevent the possibility of the introduction of African slaves into Texas.

His Lordship then observed that this would be a serious question. to be considered in her Majesty's Cabinet in passing upon the application which I was making to be recognized and that he supposed that I was aware that this question had already been agitated in Parliament. To this I answered that I was informed of that fact and that I hoped if the question was again brought up in either house his Lordship would cause to be laid before the house the above statement of facts. To which he replied " that it would be considered of ". He then stated that Mexico had emancipated all slaves in Texas by a late decree. I replied that I was not aware of that; at least if I had been informed of it, it had escaped my memory and further observed that the Government of Mexico would be doing more for its National Character if it would release, or attempt to release their Citizens who were now in captivity as prisoners of war in Texas. He smilingly rejoined that I appeared to have a great contempt for the Mexicans. I answered that I thought their Character warranted my opinions. He then enquired closely of their habits, physical ability etc etc. His Lordship then remarked that he had within a few days past received a communication from some citizen of London complaining that a

For the decree, see Dublán y Lozano, Legislación Mexicana, III, 352.

vessel belonging to English citizens, had recently been captured on the coast of Mexico by some Texian Cruisers and asked me if I knew anything of the fact. I replied that I had previous to my departure from New York, seen such a statement in a newspaper of the United States opposed to the cause of Texas, but that I had received no intelligence which I could rely on concerning the same, that I doubted the truth of the publication and that if a vessel claimed by English citizens had been captured, I could only say, that I supposed it had on board contraband goods; but if upon investigation it appeared, that any injustice had been done to the rights of British subjects, I could assure his Lordship from my knowledge of the disposition of the people and Government of Texas to cultivate and secure friendly relations with England that the most ample and speedy reparation would be made either to the individuals interested, or to the Government if it should involve a point of national honor. His Lordship again observed that the application which I had made, was one of importance and one which he could not take upon himself to answer, but that he would as speedily as possible lay it before the Cabinet that such matters required consideration and he must ask me to have patience with him. I then asked his Lordship to say what was the earliest period at which I might expect an answer to my application. He answered that inasmuch as most of the Ministers of State were still absent in different parts of the Kingdom, it would be delayed until the 1st. of November, but that he would in the meantime aquaint them of my arrival and the nature of my business. I then observed that perhaps it was proper at that time to inform his Lordship that I was also the bearer of Credentials from his Excellency the President of Texas, constituting me Minister Plenipotentiary from that Republic to the Court of St. James, which I would at the proper time ask leave to deliver. After some conversation upon the general subjects touching Texas, his Lordship asked me what could be said in favour of the ability of Texas to maintain her declaration of independence when he laid her claims before the Cabinet-that it might be urged against her that notwithstanding she now had the possession of the Government de facto, yet inasmuch as Mexico was so much the most powerful nation, she might reconquer Texas. To which I replied, that in addition to the reasons which I had already given, I would mention, that the people of Texas under their present organization had defeated the whole Mexican Army which had been marched into their Country, consisting of between Eight and Nine thousand men-their choice troops, by capturing their president and commander in chief together with the whole of that division which he commanded in person at the Battle of San

"See Irion to Henderson, August 23, 1837.