curring with her, has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the consummation of an act esteemed to be so desirable by both. It cannot be denied that Texas is greatly depressed in her energies by her longprotracted war with Mexico. Under these circumstances it is but natural that she should seek for safety and repose under the protection of some stronger Power; and it is equally so that her people should turn to The United States, the land of their birth, in the first instance, in pursuit of such protection. She has often before made known her wishes; but her advances have, to this time, been repelled. The Executive of The United States sees no longer any cause for pursuing such a course. The hazard of now defeating her wishes may be of the most fatal tendency. It might lead, and most probably would, to such an entire alienation of sentiment and feeling, as would inevitably induce her to look elsewhere for aid, and force her either to enter into dangerous alliances with other nations, who, looking with more wisdom to their own interests, would, it is fairly to be presumed, readily adopt such expedients; or she would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties in trade and commerce, in order to secure the necessary assistance. Whatever step she might adopt, looking to this object, would prove disastrous, in the highest degree, to the interests of the whole Union. To say nothing of the impolicy of our permitting the carrying trade and home market of such a country to pass out of our hands into those of a commercial rival, the Government, in the first place, would be certain to suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the introduction of a system of smuggling, upon an extensive scale, which an army of Custom-House officers could not prevent, and which would operate to affect injuriously the interests of all the industrial classes of this country. Hence would arise constant collisions between the inhabitants of the 2 countries, which would evermore endanger their peace. A large increase of the military force of The United States would inevitably follow, thus devolving upon the people new and extraordinary burdens, in order not only to protect them from the danger of daily collision with Texas herself, but to guard their border inhabitants against hostile inroads, so easily excited on the part of the numerous and warlike tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighbourhood. Texas would undoubtedly be unable, for many years to come, if at any time, to resist, unaided and alone, the military power of The United States; but it is not extravagant to suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest from her trade, secured to them by advantageous Treaties, would be induced to take part with her in any conflict with us, from the strongest considerations of public policy. Such a state of things might subject to devastation the territory of contiguous States, and would cost the country, in a single campaign, more treasure, thrice told over, than is stipulated to be paid and reimbursed by the Treaty now proposed for ratification. I will

not permit myself to dwell on this view of the subject. Consequences of a fatal character to the peace of the Union, and even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be dwelt upon. They will not, however, fail to occur to the mind of the Senate and of the country. Nor do I indulge in any vague conjectures of the future. The documents now transmitted along with the Treaty lead to the conclusion, as inevitable, that if the boon now tendered be rejected, Texas will seek for the friendship of others. In contemplating such a contingency, it cannot be overlooked that The United States are already almost surrounded by the possessions of European Powers. The Canadas, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, the islands in the American seas, with Texas trammelled by Treaties of alliance, or of a commercial character, differing in policy from that of The United States, would complete the circle. Texas voluntarily steps forth, upon terms of perfect honour and good faith to all nations, to ask to be annexed to the Union. As an independent sovereignty, her right to do this is unquestionable. In doing so, she gives no cause of umbrage to any other Power; her people desire it, and there is no slavish transfer of her sovereignty and independence. She has for 8 years maintained her independence against all efforts to subdue her. She has been recognised as independent by many of the most prominent of the family of nations; and that recognition, so far as they are concerned, places her in a position, without giving any just cause of umbrage to them, to surrender her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure. The United States, actuated evermore by a spirit of justice, has desired, by the stipulations of the Treaty, to render justice to all. They have made provision for the payment of the public debt of Texas. We look to her ample and fertile domain as the certain means of accomplishing this; but this is a matter between The United States and Texas, and with which other Governments have nothing to do. Our right to receive the rich grant tendered by Texas is perfect; and this Government should not, baving due respect either to its own honour ⚫ or its own interests, permit its course of policy to be interrupted by the interference of other Powers, even if such interference was threatened. The question is one purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain most carefully from all that could interrupt the public peace, we claim the right to exercise a due regard to our own. This Government cannot, consistently with its honour, permit any such interference. With equal, if not greater, propriety might The United States demand of other Governments to surrender their numerous and valuable acquisitions, made in past time, at numberless places on the surface of the globe, whereby they have added to their power and enlarged their resources.

To Mexico, the Executive is disposed to pursue a course conciliatory in its character, and at the same time to render her the most

ample justice, by conventions and stipulations not inconsistent with the rights and dignity of the Government. It is actuated by no spirit of unjust aggrandizement, but looks only to its own security. It has made known to Mexico, at several periods, its extreme anxiety to witness the termination of hostilities between that country and Texas. Its wishes, however, have been entirely disregarded. It has ever been ready to urge an adjustment of the dispute upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It will be ready at all times to hear and discuss any claims Mexico may think she has on the justice of The United States, and to adjust any that may be deemed to be so on the most liberal terms. There is no desire on the part of the Executive to wound her pride, or affect injuriously her interest; but, at the same time, it cannot compromit, by any delay in its action, the essential interests of The United States. Mexico has no right to ask or expect this of us; we deal rightfully with Texas as an independent Power. The war which has been waged for 8 years has resulted only in the conviction, with all others than herself, that Texas cannot be reconquered. I cannot but repeat the opinion expressed in my message at the opening of Congress, that it is time it had ceased. The Executive, while it could not look upon its longer continuance without the greatest uneasiness, has, nevertheless, for all past time, preserved a course of strict neutrality. It could not be ignorant of the fact of the exhaustion which a war of so long a duration had produced. Least of all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other Powers to induce Mexico to enter into terms of reconciliation with Texas, which, affecting the domestic institutions of Texas, would operate most injuriously upon The United States, and might most seriously threaten the existence of this happy Union. Nor could it be unacquainted with the fact, that, although foreign Governments might disavow all design to disturb the relations which exist under the Constitution between these States, yet that one, the most powerful amongst them, had not failed to declare its marked and decided hostility to the chief feature in those relations, and its purpose, on all suitable occasions, to urge upon Mexico the adoption of such a course, in negotiating with Texas, as to produce the obliteration of that feature from her domestic policy, as one of the conditions of her recognition by Mexico as an independent State. The Executive was also aware of the fact, that formidable associations of persons, the subjects of foreign Powers, existed, who were directing their utmost efforts to the accomplishment of this object. To these conclusions it was inevitably brought by the documents now submitted to the Senate. I repeat, the Executive saw Texas in a state of almost hopeless exhaustion, and the question was narrowed down to the simple proposition, whether The United States should accept the boon of annexation upon fair and even liberal terms, or, by refusing

to do so, force Texas to seek refuge in the arms of some other Power, either through a Treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, or the adoption of some other expedient which might virtually make her tributary to such Power, and dependent upon it for all future time. The Executive has full reason to believe that such would have been the result, without its interposition; and that such will be the result, in the event either of unnecessary delay in the ratification, or of the rejection of the proposed Treaty.

In full view, then, of the highest public duty, and as a measure of security against evils incalculably great, the Executive has entered into the negotiation, the fruits of which are now submitted to the Senate. Independent of the urgent reasons which existed for the step it has taken, it might safely invoke the fact, which it confidently believes, that there exists no civilized Government on earth, having a voluntary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so replete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, and so necessary to its peace and safety, that would reject the offer. Nor are other Powers, Mexico inclusive, likely, in any degree, to be injuriously affected by the ratification of the Treaty. The prosperity of Texas will be equally interesting to all, in the increase of the general commerce of the world: that prosperity will be secured by annexation.

But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It grows out of the proposed enlargement of our territory. From this, I am free to confess, I see no danger. The federative system is susceptible of the greatest extension compatible with the ability of the representation of the most distant State or Territory to reach the seat of Government in time to participate in the functions of legislation, and to make known the wants of the constituent body. Our confederated Republic consisted originally of 13 members. It now consists of twice that number, while applications are before Congress to permit other additions. This addition of new States has served to strengthen rather than to weaken the Union. New interests have sprung up, which require the united power of all, through the action of the common Government, to protect and defend upon the high seas and in foreign parts. Each State commits, with perfect security, to that common Government, those great interests growing out of our relations with other nations of the world, and which equally involve the good of all the States. Its domestic concerns are left to its own exclusive management. But if there were any force in the objection, it would seem to require an immediate abandonment of territorial possessions which lie in the distance, and stretch to a far-off sea; and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to recommend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very doors, and in our immediate vicinity.

Under every view which I have been able to take of the subject, I think that the interests of our common constituents, the people of all the States, and a love of the Union, left the Executive no other alternative than to negotiate the Treaty. The high and solemn duty of ratifying or of rejecting it, is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution of The United States.

Washington, April 22, 1844.

JOHN TYLER.

MESSAGE from the President of The United States to the House of Representatives, announcing the rejection by the Senate of the Treaty concluded with Texus, for the Annexation of that Republic to The United States.-June 10, 1844.

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE UNITED STATES,

THE Treaty negotiated by the Executive with the Republic of Texas, without a departure from any form of proceeding customarily observed in the negotiations of Treaties, for the annexation of that Republic to The United States, having been rejected by the Senate, and the subject having excited on the part of the people no ordinary degree of interest, I feel it to be my duty to communicate, for your consideration, the rejected Treaty,* together with all the correspondence and documents which have heretofore been submitted to the Senate in its Executive sessions. The papers communicated embrace not only the series already made public by orders of the Senate, but others from which the veil of secrecy has not been removed by that body, but which I deem to be essential to a just appreciation of the entire question. While the Treaty was pending before the Senate, I did not consider it compatible with the just rights of that body, or consistent with the respect entertained for it, to bring this important subject before you. The power of Congress is, however, fully competent, in some other form of proceeding, to accomplish everything that a formal ratification of the Treaty could have accomplished; and I therefore feel that I should but imperfectly discharge my duty to yourselves or the country, if I failed to lay before you everything in the possession of the Executive which would enable you to act with full light on the subject, if you should deem it proper to take any action upon it.

I regard the question involved in these proceedings as one of vast magnitude, and as addressing itself to interests of an elevated and enduring character. A Republic, conterminous in territory with our

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