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of our Supreme Court it was most scrupulously enforced and maintained. Would the founders now be able to recognize their handiwork? The original structure has expanded but in its operations the great principles of equality have become shrunken rather than expanded. Commissions rule almost everything, as deputies of legislative bodies. And the attempt is continuously made to place all labor under the power of unionism.

If we were to cast out of our legislative halls all class bills but little would remain. The political cry goes up against "special privileges” and the first thing done by the proclaimers is to introduce measures to institute special privileges in favor of themselves and their friends. Once, equality was sounded from the housetop; what chance of political success at this day, would a candidate have if he announced that he was a staunch advocate of equality. Of course he would have none; he must pledge himself to inequality and class favoritism.

The people in classes seem to be seeking through the power of legislation, some kind of special protection at the hands of the state or nation. It is becoming customary; it is becoming a part of the very life of the citizenship; it is looked upon almost as a religious duty. Scanning from 1776 forward to the present, it seems that the desire for class legislation has progressed to such an extent that if continued it must lead on, ultimately, to chronic political disease and to disaster.

Everyone should share both the burdens and benefits of government. A part of the people cannot appropriate all the benefits without instituting class privilege. Public sympathy naturally takes sides with the weak and unfortunate, and millions upon millions of money are devoted to charity. Charity is founded on humanity, and not to create class distinction.

Rather than state our own theories too profusely, we extract a few concepts from eminent writers and oracles on government, which are as follows:

1. A free state establishes no religion, abolishes all benefits and privileges to the clergy, and governs all citizens by authority of general and equal laws.

2. Equality of rights and privileges is the purpose and aim of the law.

3. The constitutional state requires that all government and law shall proceed from a uniform representation of the people. The people by ballot confer the right to govern by one law for the whole country and people.

4. Every one should submit equally to the states authority; there is but one common citizenship, one common freedom.

5. The state should act rationally, justly and from high moral principles, and not from passion or impulse. Its law comes through legislation and must bind all equally without regard to condition, station or power.

Try toll exemption by these salutary principles, and what foundation has it to stand upon? How could any national funds be used to construct a public utility, and then its services be dedicated to a selected class of the people?

"Taxes are laid upon all for the benefit of all;" and constitutional America is a government of the people, by the people, for the people. National property, as distinguished from private property, belongs to the people, and its use is for all the people. Then how can any American ship be denied the use of the canal? And how

can there be distinction and favoritism in the use and benefit from “common property ?

Most appropriate is the great constitutional maxim -the foundation stone of liberty and equality : “That those who make the laws are to govern by promulgated, established laws not to be varied in particular cases, but to have one rule for rich and poor, for the favorite at court and the countryman at plough.” And equally pertinent is the poetical epigram:

"Remember, man, the Universal Cause

Acts not by partial, but by general laws." Men under government may be physically, mentally and morally unequal. The state has performed its duty when it gives equality of opportunity and privileges; it has not the power to re-create the units of society and thereby establish a personal equilibrium. Governmental equality, equality of legal rights should be granted by the state; but the conferring of social equality and equality of faculty and ability depends on a higher power and is entirely beyond the sphere and functions of the commonwealth.

Ask of thy mother earth, why oaks are made
Taller or stronger than the weeds they shade?
Or ask of yonder argent fields above,
Why Jove's satellites are less than Jove?


Note: In Magoun vs. Savings Bank (the Inheritance Tax), de. cided by the U. S. Sup. Court in April, 1898, the court admitted that the statute in controversy was a class law, yet upheld it as being a reasonable classification. This case is the base upon which such class laws as the Income Tax, the labor amendment to the Sherman law, wages and hours of labor laws, etc., find support. In Cooley's Const. Lim. (pages 487 to 498) a vast number of cases are discussed which were brought into court through class legislation.



There are three very strong societies working for peace, arbitration and the observance of our treaty compacts: the American Peace Society, Washington, D. C., the Carnegie Peace Endowment, New York City, and the World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass. The peace organizations were critisized by Congressmen on the opposite side for their course in the tolls controversy, and their actions taken for world peace and disarmament. These associations are composed of men of mental and financial strength and are a power in any cause by them espoused.

The finances are in a powerful way aided by the Carnegie endowment of $10,000,000 for the advancement of peace. This produces the annual revenue of $500,000. The American Peace Society gets the yearly sum of $31,000 to distribute among the auxiliary societies. But the World Peace Foundation depends on its own resources. The trustees of the Carnegie Endowment, given in the Senate Interoceanic Committee's report, 1914, are:

Trustees: President, Elihu Root; vice president, Joseph H. Choate; secretary, James Brown Scott; treasurer, Charlemange Tower. Robert S. Brookings, Thomas Burke, Nicholas Murray Butler, John L. Cadwalader, since deceased; Cleveland H. Dodge, Charles W. Eliot, Arthur William Foster, John W. Foster, Austen G. Fox, Robert A. Franks, William M. Howard, Samuel Mather, Andrew J. Montague, Henry S. Pritchett, George W. Perkins, Jacob G. Schmidlapp, James L. Slayden, Oscar S. Straus, Charles L. Taylor, Andrew D. White, John Sharp Williams, Robert S. Woodward, Luke E. Wright.

The following are the trustees and directors of the World Peace Foundation as given in the Report of the Trustees issued in 1914:

Trustees : George A. Plimpton, president; A. Lawrence Lowell, William H. P. Faunce, Joseph Swain, Samuel T. Dutton, Sarah Louise Arnold, Edward Cummings, Samuel W. McCall, Samuel J. Elder, George W. Anderson, George H. Blakeslee, Albert E. Pillsbury.

Directors: Edwin D. Mead, chief director; David Starr Jordan, James A. Macdonald, Hamilton Ho Charles R. Brown, William I. Hull, George W. Nasmyth, Charles H. Levermore, secretary; Albert G. Bryant, Denys P. Myers.

Treasurer: Arthur W. Allen, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston.

From the aforesaid Senate Committee's Report we are able to give the following officers of the American Peace Society: Senator Theodore Burton of Ohio, president; Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood, secretary; Mr. Arthur D. Call, executive director and joint secretary.

Since peace and harmony among nations depend largely on the observance of treaties the peace societies very obviously were brought into the controversy over the Panama tolls. Their position was: that the English treaty should be observed by us without any favor or distinction if its import was clear that there should be no discrimination, and that if the treaty was at all doubtful the question should be arbitrated. They believed that the violation of a treaty would cause serious complications and lead to disturbance in international harmony.

Peaceful men could not think of national action, which might induce or encourage hostility or war. War is barbarism and should be relegated to the dark past;

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